Ideological View

When the authenticity of a society is called into question, ethical values and mechanisms that bring holistic development become relevant (Selznick 1949:

156–157). This values and mechanisms can manifest in the nature of policies and procedures for fighting corruption. Anti-corruption policies and procedures are often modelled through legal and constitutional elements. Across the world, large numbers of individual believe their governments’ efforts to tackle or stop corrup-tion to be ineffective. Respondents in Sub-Saharan African countries are good representations of this fact. (Transparency International 2010.) Resource-rich countries should be able to give priorities to policies that can address rent-seeking

and patronage; in this sense, policy should be less about macro-economic man-agement, but more about institutional mechanisms that prevent rent-seeking and patronage (Kolstad & Søreide 2009: 214).

The relevance of shared procedural background for shared human understanding cannot be overemphasised, so we must understand what experiences others have had before judging or formulating policies that affect them, because if we fail, we might then not be able to live to the desired expectations (Cooper D. 2004:

10 11). Policies and procedures for tackling corruption should emerge from a rational process, because most of them are premised on traditional orientations (Huberts et al. 2008: 259). A good design and implementation process for anti-corruption should be able to include enforcement apparatus and effective system of surveillance (Kim, Kim, & Lee 2009: 43). Design of anti-corruption policies and procedures should focus on the quality of integrity and judgements that they bring forth (Dodel 1999). Management’s main responsibility, in payment matters for example, is for a correct examination and diagnosis of a situation, formation of the right policy and implementation of the most suitable form of remuneration package to fit given circumstances (Ibbetson & Whitemore 1977: 3).

Citizens expect that the policy choices being implemented will correspond rather taking the shape of almost like (Peters 2010: 2). Rationality centres on modernity, because it institutes the best approach to solving a pressing problem (White &

Adams 1994: 4–22; Adams 1994: 25 30; & Cooper D. 2004: 88 95). Rationality under an instrumental context can be represented by the ‘why’ and ‘how’ of deci-sions or policies. Therefore, with the ‘why’ and ‘how’ working together in agreement, the desired results become achievable. Furthermore, rationality com-prises of two components; problem analysis and solution analysis (Pineau 2007:

167). Policy learning is a calculated attempt to adjust the objectives or techniques of policy in reaction to past policy failures (Hall 1993: 278).

Above all, according to Richter and Burke (2007c: 158), the adoption of rationali-ty within an anti-corruption crusade perspective can create the following postures:

(1) “Strengthening trust through creating guidelines, incorporating ac-countability and measured expectations;

(2) Providing for dissent and the application of transparency and whistle-blowing;

(3) Adding management tools to institutionalized models of compliance, oversight, and sanctions; and,

(4) Examining the responsibility of leaders and others in bringing about an ethical culture.”

Participation as it relates to policies and procedures informs a sanction, deter-rence, and interdependence paradigms. In this position, linked grouped members responsibility and belief are in such a way that if the whole group fails to perform the responsibility of monitoring and policing corruption among itself, all mem-bers are punishable. Collective task and sanctions by same token, help to produce the opposite effect of rising wider social compartment and responsibility; and consequently, of establishing social trust. (Sabet 2010: 108 109.) Path dependen-cy for example is an approach that gives “insight” into the nature of both endoge-nous and exogeendoge-nous manipulations or even shocks, which can be possible mani-festation of breakdown or decay in strong enduring (path dependent) pattern of corruption (Thelen 2003: 209). Path dependency states stability, persistence, and continuity; decisions are affected by earlier decisions, forcing corrupt behaviour and fomenting a corrupt culture, reproduced in a self-generative form. Corruption becomes institutionalised as its structures, actions and roles expand. The task of dealing with institutionalised corruption becomes that of breaking path dependen-cy and the rigidity it invents. (Sabet 2010: 102 104.)

Transparency International (TI) for example led the rethink with a strategy of disseminating knowledge about tackling corruption as a developmental issue and proposed the utility of doing so through partnerships of different sectors of socie-ty. The World Bank in this regard, enhanced the TI approach with the concept of Action Planning supported by data collection and analysis. Consequently, the scope for combating corruption has expanded to cover the whole dynamic process of governance. Premised on the Bank’s approach, an Action Plan is a prioritized array of strategic reform options sequenced to mainstream anti-corruption measures that cut across a country’s governance system. The principles informing the development of an action plan are that it must be participatory, originate from within a country, be built on rigorous data analysis, and inform the initiation of viable/strong reforms by the political leadership of a country. (Asamoa 2003:

3.)

In addition, action planning provides coherence and flexibility in sequencing, but its utility is limited by the extent to which the plan can be and or is implemented.

An action plan is less likely to be well implemented if it is not supported by socie-ty wide consensus anchored on the commitment of the political leadership. Con-sensus provides political security and develops in buffers against potential insta-bility. That state of affairs can only come with careful, diligent and flexible coali-tion building prior to the development of the plan. A realist and people oriented plan is participatory and focused in intent and activity on the ethical and watch-dog infrastructure. (Asamoa 2003: 8.) In one sense, it may be easier to improve institutions for the private sector to reduce rent-seeking, as this would make

out-side options more attractive for those involved in rent-seeking, since highly cor-rupt governments are unlikely to support public institutions that significantly re-duce their payoffs (Kolstad & Søreide 2009: 224).

Preventing corruption requires reforming administrative procedures and policies that cannot yield result (Kim et al. 2009: 42 & 47). New Public Management re-form for example that took place during the 1980s and 1990s was modelled on corporate management; and puts emphases on competition, efficiency, privatiza-tion, contracting, assessment, and result (Bowman & West 2008: 181).

Good conceptions of policy goals are those that satisfy a test of reflective equilib-rium; rationality concerns what the ends should be (Thacher 2004). Value ration-ality is societal or organizational desired ends; what ought to be. Public trust is a desirable end, which can be achieved with the eradication of corruption. One ma-jor means of achieving this desired end is through the adoption of viable policies and procedures. Every practice rests on theory, because it is theory that sees change as normal and indeed healthy (Drucker 1985: 23). Taken a position of societal reconstruction (Mannheim 1940), after a long decay in social order and developmental output; the concepts of effectiveness (in the manners it cover the expected target) and efficiency (in the manners it satisfy the expected target) then become the main issues in this regard. According to Cooper (1984: 355): “tech-nical expertise, competence in specialized fields, and the ability to employ the best available scientific methods are unquestionable.” Even Woodrow Wilson’s instrumental view of administration lies on technical expertise (Rohr: 1985: 382), because of its emphasis on alternatives, modifications, caution, and results.

In most developed countries where the regulations of ethical issues centre mostly on constitutional framework (Comstock 2001) by making the understanding of constitutionalism a prerequisite for professionalism for example (Rosenbloom 1992); and according to Wilson, total liberty teachings are inalienable from con-stitutional principles (Frederickson & Hart 1985: 359). Cooper (2006: 85) has also stated that legal responsibility goes with an obligation to understand and up-hold the constitutions. Clear facts about anti-corruption policies show a global rise in legal frameworks, rules, and regulations, and internal control in a wide number of nations (Clark & Jos 2000).

In 1984, American Society of Public Administration (ASPA) adopted a Code of Ethics that drew from normative perspectives, constitutional values of equal pro-tection (opposing discrimination, promoting fairness and equality); due process (stated in several sections); free speech (protection of dissent, obligations of transparency); emphasizing governmental accountability and the rule of law;

serve the public interest; respect the constitution and laws; demonstrate personal

integrity; promote ethical organization; and strive for professional excellence.

(Kennedy & Malatesta 2010.)