The Brussels-Capital Region is comprised of 19 municipalities and has a surface area of 161.4 km2, and 1,048,491 inhabitants (Deboosere et al., 2009).16 The population density is one of the highest in the world, being in the Brussels capital region 6751. 3 habitants/km2 (355/km2 in Belgium in general, the total population being about 11 million inhabitants), (Brussels Institute for Statistics and Analysis, 2011). The population is highly multicultural. Almost one third (28.14%) have a different nationality than Belgian (Deboosere et al., 2009), and a further 20% have changed their original nationality to Belgian nationality (Kesteloot & Loopmans, 2009). About half of the foreigners come from industrialized countries and another half from third world countries (Favell & Martiniello, 2000). The growth of the immigration population in Brussels was first due to the arrival of low-skilled foreign workers in the 1950s and 1960s, predominantly from Italy, Spain, and Greece, and later from Morocco, Turkey, Tunisia and Algeria. In addition are ex-Zairians (Congo), who came originally as part of Belgian post-colonial arrangements (Favell &
Martiniello, 2000). The more recent foreign population is due to highly-educated foreigners working for international organizations, e.g. the European Community and NATO, as well as international coalitions (Jacobs et al., 1999). Furthermore, since the 1990s, a new wave of migrants has started to arrive, coming from all over the world, including illegal migrants who come either temporarily or permanently and who often seek an income through informal activities (Kesteloot & Loopmans, 2009), as well as asylum seekers.
The number of different nationalities is vast, with at least 45 different
16 The city region of Brussels as a social-geographic entity is often regarded as including the surrounding suburban areas as well, since a large proportion of the population working in Brussels live there. These areas are also favoured by the foreigners, and statistically it is estimated, that the composition of the population is approximately the same as in the Brussels-Capital Region, with an estimated 1.7 million inhabitants altogether. However, the official statistics are not available for this region (Jacobs, Nys, Réa
& Swyngedouw, 1999).
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nationalities of at least 1,000 inhabitants (Deboosere et al., 2009) and with an estimated 170 nationalities altogether residing in the Brussels area (Kestloot &
Loopmans, 2009). All in all, the foreign population in Brussels is from all over the world and is comprised of earlier lower-skilled workers and their (grand)children, ex-Zairians, Euro officials, multinational expatriates, refugees and illegal immigrants, forming a foreign population of which some are wealthy and others extremely poor. It has been estimated that 10 to 15% of the population in the Brussels area consists of foreigners and their families who work for European and international institutions, international firms or instances linked to these international affairs (Corijn, Vandermotten, Declory
& Swyngedouw, 2009; Kesteloot & Loopmans, 2009). On top of that there is a large daily flow of professional visitors from abroad attending international meetings. International institutions and firms also attract young Belgian professionals from other parts of Belgium to reside in Brussels (Corijn et al., 2009). All this gives a mosaic characteristic on the several levels to the city of Brussels, which can also be seen in the urban socio-spatial polarization (Kesteloot & Loopmans, 2009). The city districts of working-class and illegal immigrants can be found in the western parts, whereas the eastern and southern parts of the city as well as the outside suburbs in the east are favoured by middle- and upper class Belgians and foreign highly-skilled professionals. The differences in average taxable annual income per inhabitant (Belgium = 100) vary from 52 in the poorest commune to 114 in the richest commune in the Brussels region (Deboosere et al., 2009). Yet, there are some parts of the city where social classes mix, especially in the centre of the city (Kesteloot & Loopmans, 2009).
In plural societies where several cultural or ethnic groups reside together within a shared social and political framework there are two implicit models to describe them: melting pot and cultural pluralism (Berry, 1997, 2006a;
Berry et al. 2011). In the melting pot model there is a single dominant or mainstream society, and an assumption that various minority groups should be absorbed into the mainstream. In the cultural pluralism model, also called the multicultural model, there is a diversity of ethnocultural groups, where individuals and groups retain their cultural continuity and a sense of their cultural identity, and participate in the social framework of the larger society (Berry, 2006a). The European Union (2004) integration policy corresponds to this multicultural model, stating both the rights to cultural maintenance and full participation for all cultural groups. In Berry’s (2006a) acculturation model, multiculturalism corresponds to the integration acculturation strategy on the individual level, and the melting pot corresponds to assimilation. In societies where minorities are not included in the larger society by the dominant group, the two strategies of a larger society are segregation and exclusion. In the segregation model the dominant group demands and enforces minorities to stay separate from the dominant group yet allows them to maintain their own cultural heritage, and in the exclusion model both their
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own cultural maintenance and linking to the dominant group are prevented by the dominant group (Berry, 2006a; Berry et al. 2011, 321). Segregation corresponds to the separation on the individual level, and exclusion to marginalization.
In Belgium, multilingualism and multiculturalism are part of the constitution, but in practice multiculturalism is not pursued as much as in other countries that have adopted a multicultural policy (e.g. Canada and Australia) (Sabatier & Boutry, 2006). One of the problems is that while immigration is a federal responsibility, the integration policies (social programmes, school, employment, housing) are the responsibilities of communities. Constant disagreements between the French-speaking and Flemish-speaking political parties complicate matters further. UNESCO and the Belgian Federal Science Policy Office financed a large academic research in 1998-2002 concerning the Belgian immigration policy. The results of the research give a rather bleak picture of the situation. According to Florence and Martiniello (2005, 62):”The research shows that there is no systematic effort on the part of the authorities to monitor the participation of ethnic minorities in the different spheres of society. At present, no systematic data except on nationality exist that would allow people’s ethnic origin to be taken into account. Consequently, it is difficult to judge how the situation of ethnic minorities is developing and to assess the effectiveness of policy measures aimed at equality of opportunities.” Criticism toward immigration policy can be found in other articles, as well. Corijn et al. (2009, 7) write:”Although foreign immigration continues at a strong rate … there is no integrated policy for reception and integration.” So in general, the Belgian multicultural policy is in fact far from ideal.
Regarding the target group of the study, their situation is different from the immigrants of third world nationals. According to the Treaty of Rome in 1957 (Europa, 2010) EU citizens are provided with free entry and residence in the EU countries. The treaty also implies free access to the labour market and equal treatment regarding social and economic rights. Expatriates in general are considered educated people who move to another country for professional reasons or to seek overseas experience (Gatti, 2009). So the status on entry is very different for these people than for many immigrants from other parts of the world. Also their daily life evidently differs from the life of third world immigrants, in terms of available choices concerning e.g. living area, schools the children go to, social networks, etc. However, in Brussels both the working environment and the surroundings in daily life are usually highly multicultural for expatriates, but the other side of multiculturalism (illegal immigrants, asylum seekers) may only touch them occasionally, for example on a metro trip or in the streets. One could say Brussels has two faces of multiculturalism: one for international expats and functionaries, and another for illegal immigrants. In between there are generations of immigrants both from European countries and the surrounding areas, who form a substantial
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group of a more or less settled and integrated immigration population, and who are in everyday contact with the local population (Snauwaert et al., 2003).
5.1.1 BRUSSELS EXPATRIATES
As mentioned in the chapters above, some 10-15% of the Brussels population consists of highly skilled expatriates and their families (Kesteloot &
Loopmans, 2009). EU institutions are the largest employer, with some 40,000 people working in them (Commission, Parliament, Council of Ministers, etc.).
NATO has a staff of 4,000 employees. With parallel activities such as lobbying, press, regional delegations, embassies, and international firms the figure is estimated to be over 100,000, consisting of highly skilled migrants from all over the world (Corijn et al., 2009). In Brussels these expatriates are often referred to as the expat community. In publications targeted towards expatriates they are described as and presumed to be highly paid, young, temporary residents, who often do not speak French and mostly keep to themselves with minimum contacts with Belgians (Gatti, 2009). In a research of highly skilled expatriates in Brussels, Gatti (2009) tried to clarify what this community in reality means and came to the conclusion that the idea of a homogeneous expat community is mainly created by stakeholder’s superficial images and that basic definitions do not apply in reality to expatriates in Brussels. On the basis of 33 in-depth interviews on the subject, he concluded:
“Speaking of an expat community is quite an arbitrary choice, as the sense of community seems to be weak and not shared universally” (Gatti, 2009, 12-13).
Even though Gatti’s study does not discuss the adaptation of expatriates, it does refer to the equivocal picture of expatriates’ role and place in the larger community, as well as the mismatch between stereotypes and reality concerning expatriates.