UEF//eRepository
DSpace https://erepo.uef.fi
Rinnakkaistallenteet Filosofinen tiedekunta
2020
New Hymns for an Ancient Tradition:
National, Pedagogical, and Apologetic Motivations of the First Finnish
Orthodox Spiritual Songbook (1939)
Metso, Pekka
Tieteelliset aikakauslehtiartikkelit
© Acta Musicologica All rights reserved
https://acta.musicology.org/
https://erepo.uef.fi/handle/123456789/24131
Downloaded from University of Eastern Finland's eRepository
1
New hymns for an ancient tradition: National, pedagogical, and apologetic motivations of the first Finnish Orthodox spiritual songbook (1939)
Pekka Metso & Jenni Hakkarainen
1. Introduction: Hymns in service of national goals
. . . now that Finland has become an independent state, the Greek-Catholic church of Finland1 must get on its own feet, to freely develop its life and essence, to become a Finnish Greek-Catholic church in Finland. There must be an end to patronizing administration from afar, from the midst of foreign circumstances, foreign language, and foreign nationalistic ends and means.2 In this manner, author and composer Iivo Härkönen, the leading early 20th-century Finnish Orthodox nationalist, envisioned in 1922 how the Orthodox population should strive to achieve full ecclesial sovereignty in Finland, a young state that had declared its independence in 1917. Reaching full ecclesial capacity was directly linked, according to Härkönen, to church music. Congregational singing of liturgical chants was defined by him as the primary tool in developing a genuinely Finnish Orthodoxy. To reach this goal, argued Härkönen, existing liturgical chants should be rhymed for the faithful to sing in worship. Additionally, new rhymed songs should be written for various other purposes to be sung by Orthodox Christians while working, traveling, resting, and attending parish events. Unlike in
Orthodoxy, in Catholic and Lutheran traditions, jointly sung hymns and songs were a central part of the established liturgical and spiritual life, a feature highly appreciated by Härkönen.3 In Finnish Orthodoxy, the ideas of renewal and re-creation of tradition emerged from
historical circumstances that originated in the collapse of the Russian Empire. After the Russian revolution in 1917, the Russian Orthodox diocese of Finland ceased de facto to exist, and the Orthodox population in Finland lost their contact with the Moscow Patriarchate. At the time, there were 70,000 Orthodox Christians in Finland, and of those, 7,000 were Russian-speaking, while more than 90% of the 3.5 million Finns were Lutheran.4
Finnish Orthodox nationalists saw the disruption of the existing ecclesial structure as an opportunity to liberate the Finnish Orthodoxy from “foreign” Russian dominion. The Finnish state took active measures in steering the Orthodox minority away from Russian influence.
With the support of the government, new canonical ties for the small Orthodox community were established with the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and an autonomous Orthodox Church of Finland was formed in 1923. Estonian priest Herman Aav was ordained the first
1 Orthodox Christians in Finland called themselves Greek Catholics until 1954, when the church officially changed its name to the Orthodox Church of Finland. The main reason for the change was increased awareness of international use of the term Greek Catholic in reference to Eastern rite Catholics of the so-called Uniate Church. To avoid misunderstandings, the church adopted “Orthodox” into its name. In this article, for the sake of clarity, we refer to the Orthodox Church of Finland and speak of Orthodox instead of the Greek Catholic Church and Greek Catholics.
2 Iivo Härkönen, Jumalanpalveluslauluja runomittaan sovitettuna (Sortavala: P. Sergein ja Hermanin veljeskunta, 1922), v.
3 Härkönen, Jumalanpalveluslauluja, v-vii; Aamun Koitto 22 (1922), 177–78.
4 Erkki Kansanaho, Kirkko Karjalassa (Lappeenranta: Karjalan Kirjapaino, 1985), 218; Metropolitan John of Helsinki, “The Finnish Orthodox Church,” in Eastern Christianity and Politics in the Twentieth Century, ed.
Pedro Ramet (Durham: Duke University Press, 1988), 267–75.
2
Archbishop (1923–1960). Under his rule, the life of the church was in the 1920s and 1930s organized anew according to “Finnish” guidelines, as opposed to the Russian mentality and customs.5 The creation of spiritual songs was one of the new national features.
In Eastern Orthodox Christianity, church music singing is highly regulated. Hymnography has developed in ecclesial tradition over centuries, and only biblical texts and canonical liturgical hymns are used in the common worship.6 For the most part, the music in the Orthodox liturgy is set in the limits of traditional melodies used according to the cycle of eight tones (in Greek: oktoekhos) sung throughout the year, one tone per week. It is also customary that liturgical music be sung only by a choir or by the cantor. Congregational singing in the liturgy has traditionally been uncommon and limited to certain hymns and prayers (e.g., Creed, Lord’s Prayer).7 However, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, congregants in certain local Orthodox churches started to become more engaged with church music singing. In Russia, congregational singing was introduced for educational and
missional purposes among the Chuvash people in the Kazan region during the 1880s.8 In the Baltics, congregational singing was adopted in the 19th century from the Lutheran tradition, with the intention of making services more attractive to the people. By the beginning of the 20th century, this was seen as a normal Orthodox practice in Latvian and Estonian churches.9 Since the 1910s, congregational participation in chanting was also endorsed in Ukraine by means of choral arrangements and simplification of melodies.10
In addition to the canonical liturgical material, spiritual songs or devotional hymns are known in many places where Eastern Orthodoxy has a historical presence as the traditional form of Christianity. These so-called paraliturgical songs, i.e., non-liturgical metered songs, are used outside the strictly regulated context of the liturgy in places such as Russia, Greece, Romania, Ukraine, and Poland. Orthodox Christmas carols, called kallanda or koliada, are an example of such folk song tradition.11 In the second half of the 19th century, spiritual songs from the
5 Veli-Matti Autio, Ensimmäisen tasavallan kulttuuripolitiikka 1917–1944 (Helsinki: Opetusministeriö, 1986), 144–152; Juha Riikonen, Kirkko politiikan syleilyssä: Suomen ortodoksisen arkkipiispakunnan ja Moskovan patriarkaatin välinen kanoninen erimielisyys 1945–1957 (Joensuu: Joensuun yliopisto, 2007), 15–24; Mika Nokelainen, Vähemmistövaltiokirkon synty: Ortodoksisen kirkkokunnan ja valtion suhteiden muotoutuminen Suomessa 1917–1922 (Helsinki: Suomen kirkkohistoriallinen seura, 2010).
6 For a thorough introduction to the order and sources of Orthodox worship, see Job Getcha, The Typikon Decoded: An Explanation of Byzantine Liturgical Practice (Yonkers, NY: St Vladimir's Seminary Press, 2012).
7 Maria Panteli and Hendrik Purwins, “A Quantitative Comparison of Chrysanthine Theory and Performance Practice of Scale Tuning, Steps, and Prominence of the Octoechos in Byzantine Chant,” Journal of New Music Research 42, no. 3 (2013): 207–9; Nataliya Kostyuk, “Congregational Singing in Divine Services,” in Church Music and Icons: Windows to Heaven. Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference on Orthodox Church Music, ed. Ivan Moody and Maria Takala-Roszczenko (Joensuu: International Society for Orthodox Church Music, 2015), 334–44.
8 Alison Kolosova, “Vernacular Orthodox Liturgy in the Russian Missionary Context: A Case Study of the Chuvash in the Late 19th and Early 20th Centuries,” in Liturgy and Music: Proceedings of the Seventh
International Conference on Orthodox Church Music, ed. Ivan Moody and Maria Takala-Roszczenko (Joensuu:
International Society for Orthodox Church Music, 2019), 152–57.
9 Sebastian Rimestad, The Challenges of Modernity to the Orthodox Church in Estonia and Latvia (1917–1940) (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2012), 187–93.
10 Daniel Galadza, “Church Singing and Chant in Galicia, 1900–1944: An Historical and Theological Survey,”
in Church, State and Nation in Orthodox Church Music: Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Orthodox Church Music, ed. Ivan Moody and Maria Takala-Roszczenko (Joensuu: International Society for Orthodox Church Music, 2010), 88–98.
11 See e.g., Belá Bartók, Rumanian folk music, Vol. IV: Carols and Christmas Songs (Colinda) (Hague:
Martinus Nijhoff, 1975); Galadza, “Church Singing,” 98; Hilkka Seppälä, “Joulun ja uudenvuoden perinnelauluista,” Ortodoksinen kulttuuri, no: 6 (1995), 168–71.
3
Lutheran tradition were subsumed into the Orthodox churches of Latvia and Estonia in the neighboring areas of Finland."12
Thus, Iivo Härkönen’s appraisal of endorsing congregational singing and his desire for Finnish Orthodox spiritual songs was not that radical. Unlike in many other local Orthodox churches, where paraliturgical songs were an established part of the local folk tradition, spiritual songs were a novelty in Finnish Orthodoxy in 1920s, consciously created in the spirit of a national awakening to express and promote a genuinely national ecclesial tradition.
The first published collection of new Finnish Orthodox spiritual songs appeared in 1939 when 41 of them were included in Kreikkalais-katolinen hengellinen laulukirja (in English:
the Greek-Catholic Spiritual Songbook, henceforth the Spiritual Songbook) alongside standard liturgical chants and psalms. Several other collections of new spiritual songs
appeared later in the 1940s and 1950s.13 Altogether, nearly 200 songs were published in these collections until the mid-20th century. As a result, a new genre of Finnish Orthodox music was created in just a couple of decades to serve the needs of a newly independent church.
2. Aim, sources, and method of the article
This article focuses on the Spiritual Songbook, the first published collection of new Orthodox spiritual songs in Finland. Our task is to track down the history of the Spiritual Songbook.
Key questions directing our quest are: How did the book emerge, and what was its aim? Who was involved in the project, and what motives did they have for developing it? What
influences affected the project? To answer these questions, we focus on the new spiritual songs and elaborate upon them as a unique expression of Finnish Orthodox national, political, and pedagogical ideals of the early 20th century.
Our main sources are threefold. First, the Spiritual Songbook forms the basis of our analysis of the content, style, and nature of the new spiritual hymns. The book also reveals, at least partially, the motives behind the collection and its aim. The second source is the archives of the Orthodox Church of Finland located in Kuopio, Finland, and the National Archives of Finland collection located in Joensuu, Finland.14 Archival sources provide access to documents on and by ecclesial agents involved with the creation of the Spiritual Songbook and enable us to locate and reflect on it in its historical context. Third, Aamun Koitto (in English: The Dawn), a weekly magazine and semi-official voice of the Orthodox Church of Finland, provides valuable information on how new spiritual songs were promoted in the church and received in parishes. The magazine is published by the Orthodox home missionary association Brotherhood of SS Sergei and Herman.
Methodologically, we rely on textual criticism, which is used broadly in historical research, in our usage of both published and archival material. Our analysis of the Spiritual Songbook enables us to examine the spiritual, lyrical, and musical content and nature of the new hymns in their historical context. Thus, this article unfolds a previously unknown chapter of the
12 Sebastian Rimestad, The Challenges of Modernity to the Orthodox Church in Estonia and Latvia (1917–1940) (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2012), 187–93; Jeffers Engelhardt, Singing the Right Way: Orthodox Christians and Secular Enchantment in Estonia (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 91–95.
13 Hengellisiä lauluja in 1941, Ortodoksinen laulukirja (in English: Orthodox Song Book) compiled by
Hieromonk Paavali in 1944, and Vaeltajan lauluja (in English: Pilgrim’s Songs) edited by Fr. Erkki Piiroinen in 1951. On the origins and content of the latter, see Jenni Hakkarainen, “The Origins of the Paraliturgical Song Collection Vaeltajan Lauluja,” in Liturgy and Music, 140–48.
14 We have used the following records: Archive of the Archbishop’s Chancellery (AAC), Archive of the Church Council of the Orthodox Church of Finland (ACCOCF), and Archives of Ilomantsi Parish (AIP).
4
largely uncharted history of Finnish Orthodox music. Research on Finnish Orthodoxy in the early 20th century has mainly focused on the formation of the Finnish church,15 especially in regard to Finnish and Russian nationalism in the church.16 Only recently, research on how the changes in ecclesial status and idea of genuinely Finnish Orthodoxy affected church music in 1900s–1930s has been initiated.17
3. Hymns at the dawn of Finnish Orthodoxy
After the collapse of the Russian Empire, the Orthodox population in the newly independent Finland found itself in a radically changed setting: instead of representing the dominant and holy faith of the mighty Empire, they were now a small religious minority group in a
dominantly Protestant country. The majority of Finns associated Orthodoxy with Russia, their former oppressor. The Finnish civil war in early 1918 sharpened the hostile image of
Russians and enhanced the anti-Russian mentality. Nationalist tendencies and an anti-Russian mentality had already emerged in Finland in the late 19th century as part of broader European national movements. The Orthodox population faced prejudices and pressure by the majority for decades, channeled through vivid nationalistic ideas and the general atmosphere of the young Finnish state.18
Orthodox Church officials feared that social pressures could drive Orthodox believers to abandon their church and convert to Lutheranism to protect themselves and prove their loyalty to the Finnish nationalistic cause. To promote a genuinely Finnish Orthodoxy, the church began to consciously steer its life in a nationalistically and socially harmonious direction. The use of the Finnish language instead of Russian and Church Slavonic and the adoption of a “new calendar,” i.e., following the Gregorian or Western calendar instead of the Julian or Orthodox calendar, were among the first nationalistic adjustments.19
In 1925, the General Assembly, the highest governing body of the Orthodox Church of Finland, founded Ulkoisten muotojen kansallistuttamiskomitea (in English: the Nationalizing Committee of Outward Forms, 1925–1935) to promote a Finnicizing process in the church.
The committee suggested, for example, that the traditional “Russian”-shaped cupola of Orthodox churches should be replaced with Gothic towers and that the Orthodox clergy should shave their beards and shorten their cassocks to resemble Lutheran pastors.
15 U.V.J. Setälä, Kansallisen ortodoksisen kirkkokunnan perustamiskysymys Suomen politiikassa 1917–1925 (Helsinki: WSOY, 1966); Heikki Koukkunen, Suomen valtiovalta ja kreikkalaiskatoliset 1881–1897 (Joensuu:
Joensuun korkeakoulu, 1977); Riikonen, Kirkko; Nokelainen, Vähemmistövaltiokirkon.
16 Tapio Hämynen, Suomalaistajat, venäläistäjät ja rajakarjalaiset: Kirkko- ja koulukysymys Raja-Karjalassa 1900–1923 (Joensuu: Joensuun yliopisto, 1995); Jyrki Loima, Muukalaisina Suomessa: Kaakkoisen Kannaksen kreikkalaiskatoliset venäläisseurakunnat kansallisena ongelmana 1889–1939 (Helsinki, 2001); Jyrki Loima, Myytit, uskomukset ja kansa: Johdanto moderniin nationalismiin Suomessa 1809–1918 (Helsinki:
Yliopistopaino, 2006); Hanna Kemppi, Kielletty kupoli, avattu alttari: Venäläisyyden häivyttäminen Suomen ortodoksisesta kirkkoarkkitehtuurista 1918–1939 (Helsinki: Suomen muinaismuistoyhdistys, 2016).
17 Maria Takala Roszczenko, “The Nationalization of Liturgy in the Orthodox Church of Finland in the 1920s–
30s,” Review of Ecumenical Studies 9, no. 2 (2017): 154–72, https://doi.org/10.1515/ress-2017-0012.; Maria Takala-Roszczenko, “The Cantor in the Orthodox Church of Finland in the 1900s–30s: Competence and Expectations,” in Liturgy and Music, 231–42.
18 Teuvo Laitila, “Suspicion, négligence et respect: les relations entre l’Églige luthéranne et l’Église orthodoxe en Finlande après la Seconde guerre modiale,” Istina 53, no. 4 (2008): 365–79; Mika Nokelainen, “Ortodoksit ja sota,” in Sisällissota 1918 ja kirkko, ed. Ilkka Huhta (Helsinki: Suomen kirkkohistoriallinen seura, 2009), 114–
29. 19 Jyrki Loima, Esipaimen siunaa: Suomen ortodoksiset piispat 1892–1988 (Kuopio: Pyhäin Sergein ja Hermanin veljeskunta, 1999), 187–96; Teuvo Laitila, Uskon luotsi: Sergei Okulov Suomen ortodoksien vaiheissa (Kuopio: Aamun Koitto, 2004), 193–202.
5
Throughout the parishes, Slavic inscriptions in the icons were replaced with Finnish. In some parishes, even the customary Orthodox recitative style of reading prayers was replaced with a less distinctive “Lutheran” intonation. These revisions were not, however, unanimously accepted, and some suggestions of the committee were never put in practice. According to criticisms of the national readjustments, falling into Lutheranism was seen as the main threat if traditional Orthodox appearance and practices were carelessly eliminated. However, the most vigorous nationalists were frustrated with the ineffectuality of the progress of
Finnicization and called for rapid changes.20
Based on the reports of the clergy, the pressure to adjust the church to resemble Lutheranism was not exaggerated. After Finland earned national independence, the Lutheran church and other Christian groups (e.g., Baptists) increased their activity in areas historically inhabited by the Orthodox population.21 The Orthodox presence was especially strong in Karelia, the easternmost part of Finland. Education, healthcare, and economics were less advanced in the remote Karelia, inhabited by the Orthodox population, than in the rest of the country. In regard to religion, knowledge of the fundamentals of faith was often poor among the
Orthodox, and they were, according to Orthodox clergy, vulnerable to “sectarian preachers.”
Young people were especially considered to be loosely attached to and unfamiliar with the Orthodox faith, customs, and way of life.22
The Orthodox home mission of the early 20th century viewed congregational singing as one of the main means of strengthening Orthodoxy. Since the 1900s, spiritual poems and songs had appeared in the pages of Aamun Koitto.23 Some of these songs were adopted and used in parishes. Newly written songs circulated in sheets and loose notes in the 1920s.24 The first publication of a selection of new spiritual songs appeared in 1928 as a supplement to Aamun Koitto. These songs were published so that they could be sung in homes, schools, Sunday schools, and parishes. In 1941, Archbishop Herman related the initial reception of the songs as enthusiastic,25 and Aamun Koitto continued publishing supplements until 1934.26 In annual reports to the central administration by cantors, usage of new spiritual songs was frequently
20 Loima, Esipaimen siunaa, 196–7; Takala-Roszczenko, “Nationalization,” 164–8. In 1938, secretary of the Church Council Yrjö Somer claimed that Archbishop Herman, due to his cautiousness in implementing revisions, had “distanced from nationalistic cause, praised beautifully in festive speeches.” ACCOCF 548 Fd 1 Extract from the minutes on March 30th, 1938; Archbishop Herman to the Church Council on May 17th, 1938.
21 AIP II Ce 1 Minutes of the 1937 clergy meeting.
22 On the weak understanding of Orthodox faith among believers and the influence of “sectarian work,” see e.g., Aamun Koitto 5 (1927), 61; Aamun Koitto 15–16 (1928), 177; Aamun Koitto 11–12 (1929), 36. Harmful activity of sectarian preachers among the Orthodox population was reported from the parishes to the central
administration throughout the 1930s. See e.g., AAC 21 Fa 1 Rev. L. Mitronen from Taipale parish to the Archbishop’s Chancellery on May 29th 1931; ACCOCF 527 Fc 1 Mantsinsaari parish clergyman office to the Church Council December on 9th 1936. In a clergy report from 1937, Fr. Sergei Okulov claimed that great efforts and strong wills are required to save Orthodoxy from slipping into Protestantism. Fr. A. Somersaari claimed that the Lutheran clergy aimed to abolish Orthodoxy in their quest for Finnicization of the nation. AIP II Ce 1 Minutes of the 1937 clergy meeting.
23 e.g., Aamun Koitto 3 (1903); Aamun Koitto 12 (1903); Aamun Koitto 7 (1904), 70–1; Aamun Koitto 23 (1928), 312; Aamun Koitto 3 (1929), 35; Aamun Koitto 3 (1930).
24 Aamun Koitto 11 (1921), 98–9; Aamun Koitto 15 (1922), 122–3; AIP II U:1:2, file II U:1 Minutes of the clergy meeting 1934.
25 Archbishop Herman’s foreword in Hengellisiä lauluja. See also Aamun Koitto 4 (1927), 47; Aamun Koitto 5 (1927), 54.
26 New songs appeared in the Christmas issues in 1929, 1930, and 1931. The last sheet was published in 1934.
6
mentioned throughout the 1930s.27 Evidently, new spiritual songs were rooted in well before the appearance of the Spiritual Songbook in 1939.
Figure 1. Viktor Hentunen’s composition “Herran eteen” (“In Front of the Lord”) was published in 1934 as a supplement to Aamun Koitto, and it appeared in the Spiritual Songbook as song number 374. Hentunen was a cantor in Taipale, an area with strong Lutheran influence among the Orthodox population. In Hentunen’s melody, Lutheran intonation can be detected.
Archbishop Herman was one of the authors of the new spiritual poems and songs, together with leading members of the clergy (e.g., Fr. Sergei Okulov) and laity (e.g., Aari Surakka and Iivo Härkönen). Before his election as the Archbishop of Finland, Herman had served as a priest in his home country of Estonia. There, he had become familiar with and fascinated by
27 For example, the cantor of Kitelä parish, Mikael Muuranto, reported that in 1935 and 1937 his choir had practiced “few spiritual and patriotic songs”. AAC 32 Fb 4 Kitelä parish cantor’s annual report from 1935; 34 Fb 4 Kitelä parish cantor’s annual report from 1937. In 1938, his choir had rehearsed seven songs published in Aamun Koitto. AAC 36 Fb 4 Kitelä parish cantor’s annual report from 1938. Based on cantors’ reports, the same sheets were used prior to 1939 in the parishes of Mantsinsaari, Annantehdas, Palkeala, Tiurula, Pitkäranta, and Suistamo. AAC 32 Fb 4; 34 Fb 4; 35 Fb 4 Cantor’s annual reports.
7
congregational singing and new spiritual songs.28 The Archbishop was a key figure in introducing the idea and practice of rhymed liturgical hymns and spiritual songs in Finnish Orthodoxy.
When the Orthodox Church of Finland celebrated its 10th anniversary in 1928, Archbishop Herman instructed church choirs to sing new spiritual songs to mark the event. One of the new songs, “Teet oikein, Isä” (in English: You are doing rightly, Father), was incorporated in the Festive Cantata, ordered by the Archbishop and composed by the renowned composer Otto Kotilainen. The lyrics for the Cantata were written by Iivo Härkönen.29 In late 1931, Archbishop Herman convoked a national church music festival for the following summer. In addition to liturgical chants of the vigil by four Finnish composers (Boris Jakubov, M.
Lebedeff, Peter Akimov, and Aleksei Krasnostovski), the Archbishop’s program included three spiritual songs from the supplements to Aamun Koitto published in 1928 and 1929.30 In the Lutheran tradition, hymns and other songs are commonly used in various kinds of parish gatherings and in private religious practice in the home. Congregational singing also has a focal place in Lutheran common worship.31 These new Orthodox songs were clearly intended for a somewhat similar purpose. Even if the Lutheran church served as a model for the Orthodox Church in certain aspects, for example, witnessing the importance and power of congregational singing, the heightened Lutheran influence among Orthodox believers was also a great concern. The lack of knowledge of Orthodox tradition among Orthodox believers was an alarming phenomenon that needed to be confronted by education with an apologetic motive, and congregational singing and new spiritual songs were believed to strengthen Orthodox awareness and to fight harmful, non-Orthodox influences.32
Providing original spiritual hymns for Orthodox believers was important, especially because Lutheran hymns and songs were widely used by teachers in Sunday schools and in
elementary schools. The majority of Orthodox school teachers received their training in the Sortavala Seminary. The daily religious activities at the seminary were Lutheran, and Orthodox students became familiar with Lutheran hymns and songs, while many students found Orthodox liturgical chants tiresome and difficult to learn. When working later as teachers, they taught Lutheran hymns to their Orthodox pupils alongside Orthodox chants.33 Orthodox teachers were also known to be active in the Lutheran church.34
In this context, new songs served apologetic, pedagogical, and nationalistic motives. They were considered an efficient way to protect Orthodox believers from Lutheran influences, while also being suitable means to promote Orthodoxy through nationally authentic Finnish
28 Takala-Roszczenko, “Cantor,” 239. Jeffers Engelhardt, Singing the Right Way: Orthodox Christians and Secular Enchantment in Estonia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015).
29 Maria Takala-Roszczenko, “Kirkkokunnan itsenäisyysjuhla vuonna 1928 Suomen ortodoksisen kirkon kansallistamisen kontekstissa,” Teologinen Aikakauskirja 123, no. 5 (2018): 397–8; see also Aamun Koitto 17 (1928), 192; Aamun Koitto 22–23 (1928).
30 AAC 23 Fb4 Archbishop Herman’s circular no. 719 to superiors of parishes on December 5th, 1931. Due to accommodation problems in Sortavala, the festival was eventually canceled. Regardless, it is likely that new spiritual songs were rehearsed by many parish choirs in 1932.
31 Christopher Brown, Singing the Gospel: Lutheran hymns and the success of the Reformation (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 2005).
32 Takala-Roszczenko, ”Cantor,” 238.
33 Suomen kreikkalaiskatolinen kirkkokunta vuosina 1930–1933 (Sortavala, 1935), 47–50. Concerning the condition of religious education in schools of the Karjala region in 1937, Fr. V. Petsalo stated that “[Orthodox]
teachers preferably conduct morning prayers in Lutheran manner with singing hymns and self-made prayers, without Orthodox imprint.” AIP II Ce 1 Minutes of the 1937 clergy meeting.
34 According to the clergy, the involvement of Orthodox teachers in the Lutheran church drew in Orthodox believers. AIP II Ce 1 Minutes of the 1937 clergy meeting.
8
expressions of the “Russian faith,” as many Finns—even among the Orthodox themselves—
perceived the Orthodox church to be. Congregational singing and new spiritual songs were intended to function as an assertion of a truly Finnish identity among the country's Orthodox population rather than merely marking that territory as non-Russian. Hence, the Spiritual Songbook is an example of constructing identity through national pedagogical narrative:
Within the framework of national unity, religious or confessional boundaries taught laypeople and clergy alike how to reinterpret their Orthodoxy as unproblematically Finnish.35
Adoption of Lutheran practice in Finnish Orthodoxy is parallel to an earlier development in Estonia. By the beginning of the 20th century, the Lutheran musical world, well known to Orthodox Estonians, was transformed into something Orthodox in the form of rhymed hymns and paraliturgical songs.36 Similar to Finland, congregational singing and new spiritual songs were seen in Estonia as features of genuinely indigenous and emphatically non-Russian Orthodoxy.37
The opinions of those Orthodox Finns (of Finnish and Russian origin) who disagreed with the reforms of the Finnicizing process remained largely unheard. A decline in the quality of church music (due to the introduction of congregational singing) seemed to be the most concerning issue for those who hesitated to embrace musical revisions. In contrast to isolated critical expressions of the value of congregational singing, straightforward objections of new spiritual songs were not voiced.38 Because the pro-revision Archbishop and other leading clergy controlled platforms of public discussion, opposing opinions were not expressed in ecclesial magazines, public addresses, and official documents.
4. Making of the Spiritual Songbook
The first references to an Orthodox spiritual songbook are found in the minutes of a meeting of the Finnish Orthodox clergy in June 1929 at the Valamo monastery. The minutes reveal that the incentive originated simultaneously from within the spheres of parish life and classrooms. The needs of the church were voiced in the meeting by Fr. Aleksander
Kasanskij,39 a priest from Sortavala, the town of the Archbishop’s see. According to him, the church lacked a suitable songbook for various kinds of meetings and events in parish life outside of liturgical contexts. Fr. Kasanskij motioned that actions should be taken to create an Orthodox hymnal. Another somewhat similar suggestion was made by teacher Faina Santala,
35 Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), 152–57; Helen Ting, “Social
Construction of Nation – A Theoretical Exploration,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 14, no. 3 (2008): 453–82, https://doi.org/10.1080/13537110802301418.
36 Jeffers Engelhardt, “Singing in ‘Transition’: Musical Practices and Ideologies of Renewal in the Orthodox Church of Estonia” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2005), 129.
37 Engelhardt, “Singing the Right Way,” 95–105.
38 For example, while objecting to Iivo Härkönen’s endorsed usage of rhymed arrangements of liturgical chants as an imitation of Lutheran liturgical prosaic poetry and an alienation from the musical tradition of Orthodoxy, an author by the pen name of “M.T.” asserted that the “springing up of original spiritual hymns or songs from the heart of a Greek-Catholic Finn” should not be reprimanded. See M.T., “Mietteitä ja kokemuksia
kirkkolaulusta kreikkalaiskatolisissa kirkoissamme,” Aamun Koitto 2 (1923), 14. Attitudes and experiences concerning congregational singing in parishes were gathered in a comprehensive survey carried out in early 1931 by Archbishop Herman. In the critical responses by some priests, congregational participation in chanting was described as “ugly” and “disturbing.” In the view of these priests, chanting should optimally be performed by a trained and talented choir, and congregational participation hindered the liturgy’s attainment of mystical and aesthetic heights. AAC 20 Fb 4 Archbishop’s circular 713/30, December 16th 1930; Responses to the circular 713/30.
39 His surname appears as Kasanskij, Kasanski, and Kasanko in the documents.
9
who addressed the clergy with a proposition of creating a suitable songbook of spiritual songs for schools. She argued that Orthodox youth lacked songs made especially for them.40
In the minutes of the meeting, three reasons explain why suitable songbooks for parishes and schools were needed. First, the clergy was concerned about how to keep young Orthodox believers close to the church and avoid alienating them. The solution, the clergy believed, was to boost the national and religious sentiments of the youth. Congregational singing had an important part to play in this strategy. Second was the issue of difficult and tense relations with the Lutheran church. It was decided that the Orthodox clergy should avoid “harmful co- operation” with the Lutherans and keep their distance. Consequently, enhancing Orthodox awareness among the faithful with spiritual songs aimed to secure the integrity of the Orthodox faith. Third, a lack of suitable books made it difficult to promote congregational singing in the liturgy, as did the poor educational level of cantors and the low quality of choirs.41
The meeting acted upon both proposals. On the one hand, it was decided to propose to the General Assembly that it form a committee to create the Spiritual Songbook for parishes.
This songbook was to include two parts: the first containing liturgical hymns (e.g., from the liturgy, vespers and matins, troparia and kontakia of major feasts, and other common liturgical hymns) and the second containing newly written and composed spiritual songs.
This work was later assigned by the General Assembly to the Music Committee.42 The Brotherhood of SS Sergei and Herman was entrusted with the responsibility of directing Santala’s project. Their aim was to prepare a simple textbook for schools consisting mainly of spiritual songs rather than liturgical hymns.43
The progress of the songbook projects was discussed at the next clergy meeting in 1932. The Brotherhood of SS Sergei and Herman had tried to supply the immediate need by issuing supplements to Aamun Koitto in which the lyrics and notes of several new spiritual songs were published. Limited resources, however, had prevented advancing with “Mrs. F.
Santala’s proposed schoolchildren’s songbook.” Although there are no references to Fr.
Kasanskij’s book project, the importance of congregational singing was again discussed and largely supported in the 1932 meeting. One participating priest defined congregational singing as a “solidifier of faith and transmitter of confessional forms.” The clergy deemed it especially suitable for introducing the practice to children and youth; teachers in Sunday schools, Christian camps, and elementary schools were expected to introduce congregational singing among young Orthodox students.44
The importance of introducing congregational singing among children and youth was evidently acknowledged by Orthodox teachers as well. When Archbishop Herman gathered suggestions for developing school education in 1935, the creation of an Orthodox spiritual songbook stood out in teachers’ replies.45 Teacher Agnia Okulov (younger sister of Santala) accentuated in her reply to the Archbishop that there was a dire need for a suitable songbook for schools. According to Okulov, this book should consist of “rhythmic” songs and hymns
40 AAC 19 Fb 2 Minutes of clergy meeting in Valamo July 1st–3rd 1929.
41 AAC 19 Fb 2 Minutes of clergy meeting in Valamo July 1st–3rd 1929.
42 AAC 19 Fb 2 Minutes of clergy meeting in Valamo July 1st–3rd 1929. The project was launched by the Music Committee no earlier than 1934. AIP II Ce 1 Minutes of the 1937 clergy meeting; AAC 518 Fd1 Mikael Kasanski to Sergei Okulov October 18th, 1937.
43 AAC 19 Fb 2 Minutes of clergy meeting in Valamo July 1st–3rd 1929.
44 AAC 23 Fb 2 Minutes of clergy meeting in Valamo June 14th–16th 1932.
45 AAC 32 Fb 6 Yrjö Kasanski to Archbishop Herman on December 6th, 1935; Maria Mikkinen to Archbishop Herman on December 22nd 1935.
10
comprehendible by children and “written in verse.” She argued that liturgical hymns were tiring and monotonous to children.46
Consequently, two songbook projects were initiated simultaneously in the early 1930s. In 1934, Fr. Kasanskij decided to halt his preparations until there was more clarity on how to proceed with the two interrelating projects.47 Obvious similarities between the two projects and growing concern about the contents of Santala’s book caused the Brotherhood of SS Sergei and Herman to reassess her plan. At least eight people—including Archbishop Herman and Bishop Aleksanteri, several members of the clergy, one cantor, and one
teacher—were requested to give their analyses. A synopsis of the comments from late 1936 reveals that Santala’s plan was strongly opposed. The sole reason for the turndown was the imminent lack of Orthodox songs: of the 258 songs in her plan, only 43 were of Orthodox origin (15 liturgical hymns and 28 newly composed spiritual songs), many of which had been published earlier in Aamun Koitto. The majority of the songs in Santala’s so-called
“Orthodox” songbook, as one of the commentators stated, were Lutheran hymns and spiritual songs. Only two commentators, Fr. A. Somersaari and Fr. A. Petsalo, approved of Santala’s plan.48After learning of the predominantly rigid judgments, the Brotherhood decided that the book should contain “Orthodox songs only.” Santala’s work was then put aside, and new songs were requested from Iivo Härkönen, Aari Surakka, and Fiina Saarikoski to replace the songs “of strange origin” collected from Lutheran sources by Santala.49
In the minutes of the clergy meeting in 1929, when Santala’s motion on a spiritual songbook for schools was initially approved, it was highlighted that the book should include “mainly Orthodox songs.”50 This remark indicates, firstly, that in principle, the Orthodox clergy thought it would be palatable to include non-Orthodox songs as well, and secondly, that a concentration on Orthodoxy needed to be secured. A similar concern was explicated in relation to the Kreikkalais-katolinen koulujen hartauskirja (in English: the Greek-Catholic Prayer Book for Schools, henceforth the Prayer Book) under preparation at the same time.
Archbishop Herman had emphasized that its content should be Orthodox, yet Lutheran influence permeates the Prayer Book, with the majority of its more than 800 prayers being freely written new prayers composed mostly by teachers, many of whom had adopted Lutheran customs and elements in the spiritual formation of their pupils due to a lack of suitable Orthodox materials.51 It is therefore unsurprising that Santala’s plan for a spiritual songbook dominated by Lutheran material was solidly endorsed by teachers. At a teachers’
convention in January 1936, her plan was supported without reservation, and teachers wished for its speedy completion.52 For teachers, it clearly was not a grave defect to integrate
Lutheran hymns and songs into the religious education of Orthodox children and youth. The
46 AAC 32 Fb 6 Agnia Okulov to Archbishop Herman on December 19th, 1935.
47 ACCOCF 518 Fd 1 Mikael Kasanski to Sergei Okulov on October 18th, 1937.
48 AAC 31 Fb 3 L[eo] K[asanko] to the Committee of Brotherhood of Sergei and Herman on November 11th, 1936.
49 ACCOCF 537 Fd 1 S[ergei] Okulov to the Church Council on October 27th, 1937; AAC 34 Fb3 Unknown to the Church Council on February 4th, 1937.
50 AAC 19 Fb 2 Minutes of clergy meeting in Valamo July 1st–3rd 1929.
51 On the making of the Prayer Book, see Pekka Metso, “‘Omasanainen ortodoksihenkinen rukouskirja’:
Kreikkalaiskatolisen koulun hartauskirjan (1938) synty ja sisältö,” in Filosofina historiassa, ed. Ilkka Huhta and Teuvo Laitila (Helsinki: Luther-Agricola seura, 2018), 186–213.
52 Aamun Koitto 2 (1936), 13–4. ACCOCF 31 Fb 3 L[eo] K[asanko] to the Committee of Brotherhood of Sergei and Herman on November 11th, 1936. In the previous year, Santala had published Pieni apu (in English: Little Help), “religious-moral lessons in the spirit of the Greek Catholic Church” as a resource material for Sunday Schools. In addition to traditional church prayers, the book included new prayers freely composed by her.
11
priests, however, seemed to be somewhat more aware of the potential negative effects on the spiritual formation of Orthodox believers.
The Church Council, the administrative body of the church, took control of the projects in early 1937 so that a suitable hymnal could finally be supplied.53 The tasks earlier entrusted to the Music Committee and the Brotherhood of SS Sergei and Herman were then passed to the Committee of Translations and Publications. Rapid actions were expected so that both books could be soon published.54 In January 1938, the Church Council gave permission to publish the songbook compiled by Aleksanteri Kasanskij, Viktor Hentunen, and Agnia Okulov.
Evidently, Hentunen and Okulov were recruited to the project at the last minute to take it to its goal. Okulov was the editor of the Prayer Book and had successfully directed the project to its completion in a relatively short time.55 It took yet another year, however, before Fr.
Nikolai Ortamo (brother of Faina Santala and Agnia Okulov) from the Committee of Translations and Publications informed the Church Council that “Aleksanteri Kasanski’s Greek-Catholic Spiritual Songbook” was ready for publishing. 56
The description of the book as “Kasanski’s Songbook” is somewhat confusing, since the published edition in 1939 included only text of the hymns and songs but no scores. Being a text edition, the outcome was perhaps more in accordance with Santala’s general idea. In the foreword, it was, however, announced that another edition with scores was in the making and would soon be published.57 The plans soon changed, and in the foreword to the second edition of the Spiritual Songbook (1941), no reference to a forthcoming edition with scores was made. It was never published.58
Interestingly, neither Santala nor Kasanskij were mentioned in the book, even though they had initiated the project, and Kasanskij was even involved in the finalization of “Kasanski’s Songbook.” Regardless, the Spiritual Songbook can still be seen as a fulfilment of the guiding idea of developing a suitable book for congregational singing. According to the foreword of the Spiritual Songbook, the book was intended for worship in school and parish contexts and to serve Orthodox believers who would “eagerly participate in joint singing, if they only get hold of the lyrics of the songs.”59
53 AAC 34 Fb3 Unknown to the Church Council on February 4th, 1937. At the clergy meeting of the same year, the burning need for a songbook was again stressed by the priests. AIP II Ce 1 Minutes of the 1937 clergy meeting.
54 ACCOCF 537 Fd 1 Chairman of the Church Council to the Committee of Translations on October 27th, 1937.
55 The plan was initiated in January 1936 and completed in autumn 1938 when the prayer book of nearly 700 pages was published. Metso, “Omasanainen,” 191–5. The prayer book project had clearly been closely
interlocked with the songbook project; for example, songs in the Spiritual Songbook are included in daily prayer services in the Prayer Book, referred to by their number even though the Spiritual Songbook was published a year after the Prayer Book. In the foreword of the Spiritual Songbook, Okulov’s Prayer Book is characterized as its “companion.” Spiritual Songbook 1939, 3–4.
56 ACCOCF 537 Fd 1 Extract from the minutes of the Church Council on January 12th, 1938; ACCOCF 559 Fd1 N[ikolai] Ortamo to the Church Council on March 13th, 1939.
57 Spiritual Songbook, 4.
58 Spiritual Songbook, 3–4. The Spiritual Songbook was published just before the World War II. Due to the war, nearly 70% of the Orthodox population became evacuees, and the church lost 90% of its possessions. The lives of the Finnish Orthodox population were altered significantly for several decades to come, and the severely reduced resources were used to satisfy only the most urgent needs.
59 Spiritual Songbook, 3. The appearance of Hengellisiä lauluja in 1941, a small collection of 27 new spiritual songs with scores, surely did not meet the expectations for a book with scores of liturgical chants.
12 5. New spiritual songs in the Spiritual Songbook
Of the 415 songs in the Spiritual Songbook, most belong to traditional liturgical material regularly used in Orthodox worship. There are 364 liturgical chants or hymns from vespers, matins, liturgy, other common services, and feasts. The book also contains 10 psalms from the Bible, all integral parts of Orthodox worship. In addition to this common, regulated liturgical material, 41 newly written spiritual songs are included in the Spiritual Songbook.
Of these, 25 were published between 1928 and 1932 in the supplements of Aamun Koitto.60 Most of the new songs had therefore been used in the church for several years.61
Of the authors of the new songs, Fr. Sergei Okulov stands out as the most productive figure:
his 12 songs comprise almost a third of the new songs in the Spiritual Songbook. He was perhaps the most prolific priest of the nationalist wing, a committed promoter of Finnish Orthodoxy, and a productive author and translator.62 Of the laity, those who wrote more than one song were Aari Surakka (a poet and theologian, later a priest), who wrote six songs, Fiina Saarikoski (a teacher), who wrote four songs, Iivo Härkönen, who wrote three songs (one original, two translated), and Viivi Somersaari (a teacher), who wrote two songs. Archbishop Herman was the most prominent name among those who only wrote one song.
Quite strangely, no songs by Aleksanteri Kasanskij or Faina Santala, the two main agents behind the songbook project, were included. Archival sources suggest that Kasasnskij had planned to include at least 10 of his own compositions in the notebook edition prepared by the Music Committee. Perhaps he was saving his compositions for the expected note edition.
Concerning Santala’s original songs, if there were any, they might have been too “strange” or not Orthodox enough and were therefore left out. It is also possible that she was not willing to contribute anything after her plan was rejected. Be it as it may, the extensive preparatory work of the two key promoters of the Orthodox songbook did not bear fruit in the content of the Spiritual Songbook. The final outcome was quite different from their respective plans, with a lack of four-part chorale texture being the main difference that separates it from Kasanskij’s idea and the emphasis on Orthodox liturgical chants distancing it from Santala’s vision.
Many of the new songs are variations of prayers and liturgical hymns rephrased in rhyme.
Familiar liturgical texts were rephrased to make them catchier and easier to sing due to their rhymed lyrics. Orthodox liturgical hymns are a kind of poetic prose, and rhymed phrasing is rarely used in them. Among the new songs in the Spiritual Songbook, there are also several songs with more originality and without direct references to liturgical chants. These original songs describe aspects of Christian life, such as the heavy burden of sin, difficulties in living a good life that is pleasing to God, and the hope of receiving eternal reward in the Kingdom of Heaven. Perhaps surprisingly, creative national interpretation of Orthodox musical tradition as exemplified by the new songs did not aim to verbally legitimize nationalist politics. Finnish Orthodox identity (distinct from Protestantism and Russian Orthodoxy) is thus not articulated in the lyrics. Rather than expressing a uniquely Finnish Orthodoxy, these lyrics convey quiet melancholy and gloomy representation of general Christian ethos.
60 The sheet from Aamun Koitto 1928 includes five spiritual songs, and the sheet from 1934 includes two songs.
61 There are references to these songs in cantors’ annual reports and in news on choir activity in Aamun Koitto.
See e.g., Aamun Koitto 3 (1929), 35.
62 Mitered Archpriest Sergei Okulov (1853–1940) was the editor-in-chief of Aamun Koitto (1896–1940), rector
of the Orthodox Priest Seminary at Sortavala, and teacher of religion at the Sortavala Teacher Seminary. He also acted as the chairman of the Committee of Translations and Publications (1891–1940). For his biography, see Laitila, Uskon luotsi.
13
Because the new songs are versified and in a rhymed form, they lyrically resemble Lutheran hymns rather than Orthodox liturgical poetry.
Since the lack of notation in the Spiritual Songbook, the music of the new songs cannot be analyzed through the the book itself. However, because the majority of the songs had either been published in the supplements of Aamun Koitto or were included in the 1941 collection Hengellisiä lauluja (Spiritual Songs), we have access to the music of 27 of the new songs.63 They are all of a Western chorale style tuned to a four-part choir. Their composition and repetition of melodic lines, for example, differ quite radically from the liturgical style of the Orthodox church.
When we compared the new songs to Estonian and Russian collections of spiritual songs of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the origins of 16 songs64 in the Spiritual Songbook could be traced to one or several of the following collections: the Estonian Waimulikud laulud (1896) and Wiiside raamat (1925) and the Russian Lepta (1899) and Slovo Zisni (1912). For example, the music for song 369 in the Spiritual Songbook (“Sinun syntymästäs,” in English:
Of your birth) appeared in the 1941 collection Hengellisiä lauluja. The same melody is found in Wiiside raamat. Another song, number 368, “Kristus syntyi” (in English: Christ was born), has the melody of a song found in the Estonian Waimulikud laulud and Wiiside raamat and the Russian Lepta. Similarly, the melody of song 378, “Ken kielin voisi kuvaella” (in
English: Who could describe by words), composed by Russian composer Dimitri Bortnjanski, also appeared in the three aforementioned collections and was published in Finland for the first time in the sheet of Aamun Koitto in 1928.
To exemplify the musical dependency of Finnish songs on existing collections, here is a capture of two notes. On the left is the melody found in the Russian Slovo Zisni in 1912, and on the right is a page from an Aamun Koitto supplement in 1928.
Figure 2. Photograph of a Russian original composition and its Finnish variant.
63 Song numbers 365–374, 376–387, 391–394, 397.
64 Song numbers 365–370, 378–380, 382, 384–387, 392, 393.
14
The melody of the Russian composition was used for the Finnish song “Jeesus, Sulle kaivatulle” (in English: Jesus, You desired), song number 378 of the Spiritual Songbook.
Most likely, the melody was adopted via Estonia, since the source of the melody in the Finnish sheet is said to be from an Estonian collection. The words of the two songs are entirely different, as the Finnish song features original lyrics.
Based on our findings, the new Finnish spiritual songs were for the most part—if not entirely—musically dependent on the existing paraliturgical songs in the neighboring Orthodox churches. Acquiring music from the closest sister churches was a consequence of leading Finnish nationalists’ admiration of the aspirations to promote congregational singing and spiritual songs in Estonia and Russia as part of the contemporary liturgical renewal.65 The new songs were most likely not as catchy and upbeat as teacher Agnia Okulov had wished when she accentuated children’s need for suitable songs to the Archbishop in 1935.
Even though Agnia Okulov, one of the final-phase editors of the Spiritual Songbook, most likely had access to her sister’s rejected collection of suitable songs, her—and presumably many other teachers’—vision of a songbook for children did not prevail. The content of the book focused on the material needed for common worship, thus primarily taking heed of the need to support congregational singing in parish life.
6. Conclusions
Early 20th-century socio-historical circumstances in Finland heavily influenced by
nationalistic thought and state politics explain the adoption of new spiritual songs in Finnish Orthodoxy in beginning of the 1920s. The need to promote congregational singing, the necessity of a songbook in parish and youth work, and sensitive ecumenical relations with the Lutheran church were factors that in many ways effected the development of an original songbook for Finnish Orthodox believers. All of these issues show how confessional and national boundaries interweave and are crossed in times when reinterpretations of binding tradition are legitimized in changing social, political, and cultural contexts.
The musical reforms in Finnish Orthodoxy took place from above, originating from the ecclesial elite and administered into local communities by priests and cantors as
representatives of the official hierarchy. Because the starting point of the Spiritual Songbook (1939) was to respond to needs from below (those of the parishes, schools, and the youth), however, the introduction of new spiritual songs brought believers and ecclesial leaders together rather than amplifying potential disagreements within the Orthodox community.66 The Spiritual Songbook can be viewed as an example of musical inculturation, a specific case of navigating between national (Finnish and non-Finnish; Russian and non-Russian) and religious (Orthodox and non-Orthodox; Lutheran and non-Lutheran) spheres and identities.
As Martin Stokes argues, music “provides means by which people recognize identities … and the boundaries which separate them.”67 In early 20th century Finnish Orthodoxy, the function of the new spiritual songs (and congregational singing) was to fortify a sense of identity
65 Takala-Roszczenko, “Nationalizing,” 166–7.
66 See Brian Stanley, “Inculturation: Historical Background, Theological Foundations and Contemporary Questions,” Transformation 24, no. 1 (2007): 25–26.
67 Martin Stokes, “Introduction: Ethnicity, Identity and Music,” in Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place, ed. Martin Stokes (Oxford: Berg, 1997), 5.
15
among the Orthodox people, and to promote the successful continuation of the Orthodox community within the boundaries of a developing Finnish national and social context.68 Rather than being an example of inculturation from the outside, adopting new musical elements originated from inside: Interpreting tradition was initiated by the Orthodox people themselves as a reaction to the changing national and political setting. On the one hand, musical reforms took place as a conscious negotiation with and adaptation to the dominant Lutheran tradition. On the other hand, ostensibly Orthodox practices were acquired from the neighboring Orthodox churches that had earlier adopted Protestant musical ideals.69
68 See John Baily, “Music and the Afghan National Identity,” in Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place, ed. Martin Stokes (Oxford: Berg, 1997), 47.
69 On the overlapping of musical practice across Lutheran and Orthodox groups in Estonia, see Jeffers Engelhardt, “Congregational Singing, Orthodox Christianity, and the Making of Ecumenicity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Music and World Christianities, ed. Jonathan Dueck and Suzel Ana Reily (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 649–75.
16 SOURCES
Archive sources
Archive of the Archbishop’s Chancellery, AAC Letters
Archive of the Church Council of the Orthodox Church of Finland, ACCOCF Letters
National Archives of Finland, Joensuu collection Archive of the Ilomantsi parish, AIP Printed Sources
Aamun Koitto 1900–1907, 1918–1940.
Eesti apostiliku Õigeusu kiriku Wiiside raamat. Tallinn, 1925.
Hengellisiä lauluja: Kokoelma “Aamun Koiton” liitteinä vuosina 1928–1932 julkaistuja lauluja. Jyväskylä: P. Sergein ja Hermanin veljeskunta, 1941.
Horovyja duhovno-nhravstvennyja pesnopenija zaimstvovannyja iz sbornikov “Lepta” i
“Vtoraja Lepta.” Moskva, 1899.
Kreikkalaiskatolinen hengellinen laulukirja. Kuopio: Suomen kreikkalaiskatolisen kirkon jumalanpalvelus- ja oppikirjain suomennos- ja toimituskomitea, 1939 [2nd edition, 1941; 3rd edition, 1943].
Paavali, pappismunkki, ed. Ortodoksinen laulukirja. Helsinki, 1944.
Piiroinen, Erkki, ed. Vaeltajan lauluja: Kokoelma yksiäänisiä hengellisiä lauluja. Kuopio: P.
Sergein ja Hermanin veljeskunta, 1951.
Santala, Faina. Pieni apu pyhäkoulunopettajille Suomen kreikkalaiskatolisissa seurakunnissa.
Sortavala: Suomen kreikkalaiskatolisen kirkon jumalanpalvelus- ja oppikirjain suomennos- ja toimituskomitea, 1935.
Suomen kreikkalaiskatolinen kirkkokunta vuosina 1930–1933. Sortavala, 1935.
Slovo Zisni. Vduhovnyh stihah izrannyh polozhennyh na noty. Dlja prostogo naroda. Izdanije 2-e. S. Petersburg, 1912.
Okulov, Agnia, ed. Kreikkalaiskatolinen koulun hartauskirja. Sortavala: Suomen
kreikkalaiskatolisen kirkon jumalanpalvelus- ja oppikirjain suomennos- ja toimituskomitea, 1938.
17
Ramul, A., ed. Waimulikud laulud, psalmid ehk waimulikud kantad, wiisidega; koolis ja kodu. Tallinn, 1896.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Autio, Veli-Matti. Ensimmäisen tasavallan kulttuuripolitiikka 1917–1944. Helsinki:
Opetusministeriö, 1986.
Baily, John. “Music and the Afghan National Identity.” In Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place, edited by Martin Stokes, 45–60. Oxford: Berg, 1997.
Bartók, Belá. Rumanian folk music, Vol. IV: Carols and Christmas Songs (Colinda). Hague:
Martinus Nijhoff, 1975.
Bhabha, Homi. The Location of Culture. London: Routledge, 1994.
Brown, Christopher. Singing the Gospel: Lutheran hymns and the success of the Reformation.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005.
Engelhardt, Jeffers. Singing in “Transition”: Musical Practices and Ideologies of Renewal in the Orthodox Church of Estonia. Chicago: unpublished PhD dissertation, 2005.
––––– Singing the Right Way: Orthodox Christians and Secular Enchantment in Estonia.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015.
––––– “Congregational Singing, Orthodox Christianity, and the Making of Ecumenicity.” In The Oxford Handbook of Music and World Christianities, edited by Jonathan Dueck and Suzel Ana Reily, 649–75. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016.
Galadza, Daniel. “Church Singing and Chant in Galicia, 1900–1944: An Historical and Theological Survey.” In Church, State and Nation in Orthodox Church Music: Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Orthodox Church Music, edited by Ivan Moody and Maria Takala-Roszczenko, 88–103. Joensuu: International Society for Orthodox Church Music, 2010.
Getcha, Job. The Typikon decoded: An explanation of Byzantine liturgical practice. Yonkers, New York: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2012.
Hakkarainen, Jenni. “The Origins of the Paraliturgical Song Collection Vaeltajan Lauluja.” In Liturgy and Music: Proceedings of the Seventh International Conference on Orthodox
Church Music, edited by Ivan Moody and Maria Takala-Roszczenko, 140–48. Joensuu:
International Society for Orthodox Church Music, 2019.
Hämynen, Tapio. Suomalaistajat, venäläistäjät ja rajakarjalaiset: Kirkko- ja koulukysymys Raja-Karjalassa 1900–1923. Joensuu: Joensuun yliopisto, 1995.
Härkönen, Iivo. Jumalanpalveluslauluja runomittaan sovitettuna. Sortavala: P. Sergein ja Hermanin veljeskunta, 1922.
Kansanaho, Erkki. Kirkko Karjalassa. Lappeenranta: Karjalan Kirjapaino, 1985.
Kemppi, Hanna. Kielletty kupoli, avattu alttari: Venäläisyyden häivyttäminen Suomen ortodoksisesta kirkkoarkkitehtuurista 1918–1939. Helsinki: Suomen muinaismuistoyhdistys, 2016.
18
Kolosova, Alison. “Vernacular Orthodox Liturgy in the Russian Missionary Context. A Case Study of the Chuvash in the Late 19th and Early 20th Centuries,” in Liturgy and Music:
Proceedings of the Seventh International Conference on Orthodox Church Music, edited by Ivan Moody and Maria Takala-Roszczenko, 152–57. Joensuu: International Society for Orthodox Church Music, 2019.
Kostyuk, Nataliya. “Congregational Singing in Divine Services.” In Church Music and Icons:
Windows to Heaven. Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference on Orthodox Church Music, edited by Ivan Moody and Maria Takala-Roszczenko, 334–44. Joensuu: International Society for Orthodox Church Music, 2015.
Koukkunen, Heikki. Suomen valtiovalta ja kreikkalaiskatoliset 1881–1897. Joensuu:
Joensuun korkeakoulu, 1977.
Laitila, Teuvo. Uskon luotsi: Sergei Okulov Suomen ortodoksien vaiheissa. Kuopio: Aamun Koitto, 2004.
––––– “Suspicion, négligence et respect: les relations entre l’Églige luthéranne et l’Église orthodoxe en Finlande après la Seconde guerre modiale.” Istina 53, no. 4 (2008): 365–79.
Loima, Jyrki. Esipaimen siunaa: Suomen ortodoksiset piispat 1892–1988. Kuopio: Pyhäin Sergein ja Hermanin veljeskunta, 1999.
––––– Muukalaisina Suomessa: Kaakkoisen Kannaksen kreikkalaiskatoliset venäläisseurakunnat kansallisena ongelmana 1889–1939. Helsinki, 2001.
––––– Myytit, uskomukset ja kansa: Johdanto moderniin nationalismiin Suomessa 1809–
1918. Helsinki: Yliopistopaino, 2006.
Metropolitan John of Helsinki. “The Finnish Orthodox Church.” In Eastern Christianity and Politics in the Twentieth Century, edited by Pedro Ramet, 267–85. Durham: Duke University Press, 1988.
Metso,Pekka. “‘Omasanainen ortodoksihenkinen rukouskirja’. Kreikkalaiskatolisen koulun hartauskirjan (1938) synty ja sisältö.” In Filosofina historiassa, edited by Ilkka Huhta and Teuvo Laitila, 186–213. Helsinki: Luther-Agricola seura, 2018.
Nokelainen, Mika. “Ortodoksit ja sota.” In Sisällissota 1918 ja kirkko, edited by Ilkka Huhta, 114–29. Helsinki: Suomen kirkkohistoriallinen seura, 2009.
––––– Vähemmistövaltiokirkon synty: Ortodoksisen kirkkokunnan ja valtion suhteiden muotoutuminen Suomessa 1917–1922. Helsinki: Suomen kirkkohistoriallinen seura, 2010.
Panteli, Maria and Purwins, Hendrik. “A Quantitative Comparison of Chrysanthine Theory and Performance Practice of Scale Tuning, Steps, and Prominence of the Octoechos in Byzantine Chant.” Journal of New Music Research 42, no. 3 (2013): 205–21.
Riikonen, Juha. Kirkko politiikan syleilyssä: Suomen ortodoksisen arkkipiispakunnan ja Moskovan patriarkaatin välinen kanoninen erimielisyys 1945–1957. Joensuu: Joensuun yliopisto, 2007.
Rimestad, Sebastian. The Challenges of Modernity to the Orthodox Church in Estonia and Latvia (1917–1940). Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2012.
Seppälä, Hilkka. “Joulun ja uudenvuoden perinnelauluista.” Ortodoksinen kulttuuri, no. 6 (1995): 168–71.
19
Setälä, U.V.J. Kansallisen ortodoksisen kirkkokunnan perustamiskysymys Suomen politiikassa 1917–1925. Helsinki: WSOY, 1966.
Stanley, Brian. “Inculturation: Historical Background, Theological Foundations and Contemporary Questions.” Transformation 24, no. 1 (2007): 21–7.
Stokes, Martin. “Introduction: Ethnicity, Identity and Music.” In Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place, edited by Martin Stokes, 1–27. Oxford: Berg, 1997.
Takala-Roszczenko, Maria. “The Nationalization of Liturgy in the Orthodox Church of Finland in the 1920s–30s.” Review of Ecumenical Studies 9, no. 2 (2017): 154–72.
https://doi.org/10.1515/ress-2017-0012.
––––– “Kirkkokunnan itsenäisyysjuhla vuonna 1928 Suomen ortodoksisen kirkon kansallistamisen kontekstissa.” Teologinen Aikakauskirja 123, no. 5 (2018): 387–401.
––––– “The Cantor in the Orthodox Church of Finland in the 1900s–30s: Competence and Expectations.” In Liturgy and Music: Proceedings of the Seventh International Conference on Orthodox Church Music, edited by Ivan Moody and Maria Takala-Roszczenko, 231–42.
Joensuu: International Society for Orthodox Church Music, 2019.
Ting, Helen. “Social Construction of Nation – A Theoretical Exploration.” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 14, no. 3 (2008): 453–82. https://doi.org/10.1080/13537110802301418.
