• Ei tuloksia

2 RESEARCH FRAMEWORK

4.2 Causality between climate and hunger

4.2.3 Uneven hunger

The 17th century case study demonstrates that human consequences were not equal among the peasant society (Article IV). In the 17th century, a large part of the pop-ulation in Southern Ostrobothnia was freeholders, peasants who owned the prop-erty and the lands they cultivated. Additionally, the peasant community included so-called crown peasants, tenant farmers who rented the farmstead and fields from the crown. Article IV discussed how the farmsteads inhabited by the freeholders had, in general, larger arable areas than the crown peasants’ farms. This, likely, influ-enced whether crop failure caused hunger. The difference between the two groups can be assessed using data on deserted farms which indicates societal hardship. In the 1640s, only approximately 6% of the peasant community were crown peasants.

Yet, the deserted crown peasant farms constituted 30–48% of all deserted farms in the studied area. In the peak year 1642 four out of five crown peasant farms were marked as deserted (Figure 7). The difference between the two groups is even more striking at the end of the century. In the 1690s, the share of crown peasants had ris-en to 25% of the whole peasant community. Following the aftermaths of the crop failure of 1695, almost all deserted farms (97–100%) were crown peasant farms. The only exception was the year 1697, when also 2% of freeholder farms were marked as deserted (Figure 7). As the level of impoverishment, indicated by the desertion rates, differed so considerably, the level of hunger can also be expected to differ between the two groups. Therefore, although there is evidence of impoverishment or hun-ger always following severe crop failure in 17th century Ostrobothnia, the hardships might not have troubled the whole population equally.

Similiar striking differences between the landowning peasants and tenant farm-ers have been previously demonstrated in the relationships between annual crop yields and reproductive success in 18th century Finland, where it was found that the marital prospects, probability of reproduction, and offspring viability of children born into landless families were related to the crop yield in their year of birth.154 Such effects were absent among the landowning peasants. Thus, the human consequences of harvest failures were uneven among peasant societies, at least in early modern Finland. Comparable findings have been made, for example, considering the victims of the Great Irish Famine.155

153 Helle & Helama 2007, 852.

154 Richard et al. 2010, 3521–3524.

155 Ó Gradá 2001, 123.

0%

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 0%

2%

1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

a) b)

Freeholders Crown peasants

Figure 7. Uneven hunger. The ratio between deserted farms and all farms (in mantal-units) in Southern Ostrobothnia among the landowning peasants (freeholdels) and tenant farmers (crown peasants) in a) 1641–1646 and b) 1695–1700.

Source: Article IV.

The resilience of medieval and early modern peasant population to climate variabil-ity and crop failures was shown to vary over space and time in medieval and early modern north-east Europe. Thus, the relationship between climate and hunger also varied spatially and temporally. Moreover, it was shown to vary between different groups of society. In this context, the findings of this thesis do not support the ar-gument that hunger (or famine) became more frequent with the shift to the LIA.156 The increased number of known hunger incidents most likely result from the better availability of early modern written sources in relation to medieval ones. Moreover, as discussed above, agriculture could adapt to the deteriorating climate to a certain degree. And, as emphasised throughout this thesis, climate does not simply explain hunger. Therefore, instead of assessing the magnitude of cooling per se, the answer lies in how people responded, adapted, and coped with the cooling climate of the LIA.

This thesis demonstrates that approaching hunger in medieval and early mod-ern north-east Europe solely as a ‘natural hazard’ is inadequate. Recent research has called for a wider approach.157 Instead of monocausal explanations, hunger should be understood as an event, process, and structural issue.158 Indeed, the findings of this thesis have confirmed that medieval and early modern hunger in the region was all of these. It was an event, because food shortage could cumulate as acute hun-ger crisis. However, hunhun-ger was simultaneously a process. Social factors or severe crop failure could trigger a process that culminated as hunger crisis some years later.

Moreover, different long-term agricultural processes across the region resulted in spatio-temporally differing sensitivity in the face of hunger. And lastly, hunger was also structural. The human consequences of harvest failures were not even across society. Instead, the landowning peasants were more resilient to climate variability and harvest shortfalls than the tenant farmers.

156 Myllyntaus 2009, 80–81.

157 Krämer 2015, 421–423.

158 Vanhaute 2011, 51; Krämer 2015, 100–101.

5 CONCLUSION

By deriving novel evidence of past climate and grain yield variability from tree-ring material, this thesis demonstrated that the relationship between climate and hunger in medieval and early modern north-east Europe was not as direct as has been pre-viously supposed. The thesis revisited five generalizations, which were proven to be injustified or incorrect:

i) Harvest time night-frosts were found to be the main reason for crop fail-ures. Yet, the crop damages due to frost were commonly sporadic and local. Only when adverse climate conditions (late onset of the growing season and/or cool growing season) postponed the ripening of the crops, could night-frosts cause supralocal crop failures.

ii) Tree-ring evidence was shown to be invaluable material to study crop failure and overall agricultural history of the region. Moreover, tree-ring evidence was found to identify large-scale and severe frost-driven crop failures.

iii) The results suggest that hunger almost never resulted solely from food shortage caused by crop failure. Instead, institutional and human actions determined whether food shortage would escalate into acute hunger crisis.

iv) The practice to interpret hunger years, taking place either in Finland or adjacent regions, as an indicator of simultaneous crop failure was found to be injustified or even fallacious.

v) The results do not support the interpretation that hunger events became necessarily more frequent because of the cooling conditions of the LIA.

The time-series of growing season temperature, crop yield, and tree-ring density data were shown to have strong correspondence in north-easternmost Europe over the period 1861–1913. The onset and thermal conditions of the growing season dictat-ed the harvest success. These same climatic components are capturdictat-ed in the annual-ly-resolved tree rings. Consequently, tree ring material was used to reconstruct yield responses to temperature variability.

The yield reconstruction provided novel material to track major crop failures in the region, as well as those that were caused by harvest time night-frost. Moreover, the reconstruction contributed to the discussion on why the agricultural changes pre-viously demonstrated in pollen analyses and historical studies took place. Thus, tree-ring material is not only suitable to study crop failure history, but can help to bet-ter understand long-bet-term agricultural development and adaptation strategies in the northern margin of agriculture. However, although the yield reconstruction can be indicative of major crop failure events, it does not reveal whether these failures had any human consequences. Nonetheless, if the consequences are known, like sudden

peaks of impovirishment or long-term health decline, the reconstruction may help to assess whether climate-driven crop failures or deteriorating climate and lowering yields may have contributed to the observed changes in human well-being.

Climate variability is expected to have considerable impact on the societies living in marginal agricultural areas. Moreover, medieval and early modern peasants in the north-east lived likely close to the subsistence level. Thus, it is hardly surprising that adverse climate and crop failure were found commonly to underlay hunger. Yet, these factors did not lead inevitably to hunger. Hunger was not simply just a ‘natu-ral hazard’. The relationship between climate and hunger was not generic. Instead, the relationship varied over space and time. Additionally, the relationship varied within the peasant community. Moreover, although the majority of medieval and early modern hunger crises were closely connected to changes in food availability, in the case of north-western Russian trade centres, the entitlement approach might yield novel and additional interpretations in future research. However, this does not mean that climate would not have mattered. Quite the contrary. Instead, the results indicate that even minor differences among the people who are expected to be the most adversely affected by climate might have a significant impact. Therefore, in further research, in addition to exploring the human consequences of climate, stronger emphasis should be paid on the human responses to climate.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

SOURCES

UNPRINTED SOURCES

National Archives of Finland (NAF), Helsinki, Finland Bailiff’s Accounts 1588–1634

Land Books Tithe Registers Verification Books Provincial Accounts 1635–1704

Land Books Tithe Registers Verification Books

PRINTED SOURCES

Akiander, M. 1849. Utdrag ur Ryska Annaler. Suomi – Tidskrift i fosterländska ämnen 8: 1–284.

Michell, R. & Forbes, N., (trans.) 1914. The Chronicle of Novgorod 1016–1471. London: Royal Historical Society.

Mårtensson, L. 1952. Sakregister till allmogens besvär till år 1720. Stockholm.

Official Statistics of Finland (OSF)

OSF II: 1. 1868. Yhteenveto kuvernöörien viisivuotis-kertomuksista vuosilta 1861–1865. Helsinki: Tilas-tollinen toimisto.

OSF II: 2–8. 1875–1904. Katsaus Suomen taloudelliseen tilaan. Helsinki: Tilastollinen toimisto.

OSF III: 1. 1869. Aineita Suomen maanviljelystilastoon. Helsinki: Tilastollinen toimisto.

Statistical Yearbook of Finland (SYF)

1878–1902. Suomenmaan tilastollinen vuosikirja, 1–23. Helsinki: Tilastollinen toimisto.

1903–1924. Suomen tilastollinen vuosikirja, 1–22. Helsinki: Tilastokeskus.

METEOROLOGICAL DATA

Finnish Meteorological Institute

Monthly mean temperature from the stations of Helsinki, Turku, Kuopio, Kajaani and Oulu (from late-1840s).

Monthly precipitation sums from the stations of Helsinki and Viipuri.

Tuomenvirta, H. 2004. Reliable estimation of climatic variations in Finland. Helsinki: Finnish Meteorological Institute.

Klingbjer, P. & Moberg, A. 2003. A composite monthly temperature record from Tornedalen in northern Sweden, 1802–2002. International Journal of Climatology 23: 1465–1494.

TREE-RING DATA

Helama, S., Lindholm, M., Meriläinen, J., Timonen, M. & Eronen, M. 2005. Multicentennial ring-width chronologies of Scots pine along north-south gradient across Finland. Tree-Ring Reseach 61:

21–32.

Helama, S., Meriläinen, J. & Tuomenvirta, H. 2009. Multicentennial megadrought in northern Europe coincided with a global El Niño–Southern Oscillation drought pattern during the Medieval Cli-mate Anomaly. Geology 37: 175–178.

Helama, S., Holopainen, J., Timonen, M. & Mielikäinen, K. 2014a. An 854-year tree-ring chronology of Scots pine for south-west Finland. Studia Quaternaria 31: 61–68.

Helama, S., Vartiainen, M., Holopainen J., Mäkelä, H.M., Kolström, T. & Meriläinen, J. 2014b. A palae-otemperature record for the Finnish Lakeland based on microdensitometric variations in tree rings. Geochronometria 41: 265–277.

Helama, S., Huhtamaa, H., Verkasalo, E. & Läänelaid, A. 2017. Something old, something new, some-thing borrowed: new insights to human interaction with climate variability in medieval Novgorod inferred from tree rings. Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 13: 341–350.

Matskovsky, V.V. & Helama, S. 2014. Testing long-term summer temperature reconstruction based on maximum density chronologies obtained by reanalysis of tree-ring data sets from northernmost Sweden and Finland. Climate of the Past 10: 1473–1487.

LITERATURE

Alenius, T. & Laakso, V. 2006. Palaeoecology and archaeology of the village of Uukuniemi, Eastern Fin-land. Acta Borealia 23: 145–165.

Alenius, T., Grönlund, E., Simola, H. & Saksa, A. 2004. Land-use history of Riekkalansaari Island in the northern archipelago of Lake Ladoga, Karelian Republic, Russia. Vegetation History and Archaeo-botany 13: 23–31.

Alenius, T., Mikkola, E. & Ojala, A.E. 2008. History of agriculture in Mikkeli Orijärvi, eastern Finland as reflected by palynological and archaeological data. Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 17:

171–183.

Alenius, T., Lavento, M. & Saarnisto, M. 2009. Pollen-analytical results from Lake Katajajärvi – Aspects of the history of settlement in the Finnish inland regions. Acta Borealia 26: 136–155.

Alenius, T., Mökkönen, T. & Lahelma, A. 2013. Early farming in the northern boreal zone: Reassessing the history of land use in southeastern Finland through high‐resolution pollen analysis. Geoar-chaeology 28: 1–24.

Anderson, D.G., Stahle, D.W. & Cleaveland M.K. 1995. Paleoclimate and the potential food reserves of Mississippian societies: A case study from the Savannah River Valley. American Antiquity 60:

258–296.

Augustsson, A., Gaillard, M.J., Peltola, P., Mazier, F., Bergbäck, B. & Saarinen, T. 2013. Effects of land use and climate change on erosion intensity and sediment geochemistry at Lake Lehmilampi, Fin-land. The Holocene 23: 1247–1259.

Ballie, M.G.L. 1999. Exodus to Arthur: Catastrophic Encounters with Comets. London: B.T. Batsford.

Bannister, B. & Robinson, W.J. 1975. Tree‐ring dating in archaeology. World Archaeology 7: 210–225.

Baudou, E., Engelmark, R., Liedgren, L., Segeström, U. & Wallin, J.E. 1991. Järnåldersbygd i Österbotten: en ekologisk-arkeologisk studie av bosättningskontinuitet och resursutnyttjande. Vaasa: Scriptum.

Behringer, W. 2010. A Cultural History of Climate. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Bocinsky, R.K. & Kohler, T.A. 2014. A 2,000-year reconstruction of the rain-fed maize agricultural niche in the US Southwest. Nature Communications 5: 1–12 (5618).

Briffa, K.R., Jones, P.D., Bartholin, T.S., Eckstein, D., Schweingruber, F.H., Karlen, W., Zetterberg, P. &

Eronen, M. 1992. Fennoscandian summers from AD 500: temperature changes on short and long timescales. Climate Dynamics 7: 111–119.

Briffa, K.R., Melvin, T.M., Osborn, T.J., Hantemirov, R.M., Kirdyanov, A.V., Mazepa, V.S., Shiyatov, S.G.

& Esper, J. 2013. Reassessing the evidence for tree-growth and inferred temperature change during the Common Era in Yamalia, northwest Siberia. Quaternary Science Reviews 72: 83–107.

Burns, B.T. 1983. Simulated Anasazi Behaviour Using Crop Yields Reconstructed from Tree Rings: AD 652–

1968. Tucson: University of Arizona.

Büntgen, U., Tegel, W., Nicolussi, K., McCormick, M., Frank, D., Trouet, V., Kaplan, J.O., Herzig, F., Heussner, K.U., Wanner, H., Luterbacher, J. & Esper, J. 2011. 2500 years of European climate variability and human susceptibility. Science 331: 578–582.

Büntgen, U., Tegel, W., Heussner, K.U., Hofmann, J., Kontic, R., Kyncl, T. & Cook, E.R. 2012. Effects of sample size in dendroclimatology. Climate Research 53: 263–269.

Büntgen, U., Myglan, V.S., Ljungqvist, F.C., McCormick, M., Di Cosmo, N., Sigl, M., Jungclaus, J., Wag-ner, S., Krusic, P.J., Esper, J., Kaplan, J.O., de Vaan, M.A.C., Luterbacher, J., Wacker, L., Tegel, W.

& Kirdyanov, A.V. 2016. Cooling and societal change during the Late Antique Little Ice Age from 536 to around 660 AD. Nature Geoscience 9: 231–236.

Camenisch, C. 2015. Endlose Kälte: Witterungsverlauf und Getreidepreise in den Burgundischen Niederlanden im 15. Jahrhundert. Basel: Schwabe.

Campbell, B.M.S. 2010. Nature as historical protagonist. Environment and society in pre‐industrial En-gland. The Economic History Review 63: 281–314.

Campbell, B.M.S. 2016. The Great Transition. Climate, Disease and Society in the Late-Medieval World. Cam-bridge: Cambridge University Press.

Cardona, O.D., Van Aalst, M.K., Birkmann, J., Fordham, M., McGregor, G., Perez, R., Pulwarty, R.S., Schipper, E.L.F. & Sinh, B.T. 2012. Determinants of risk: exposure and vulnerability. In Field,

C.B., Barros, V., Stocker, T.F., Qin, D., Dokken, D.J., Ebi, K.L., Mastrandrea, M.D., Mach, K.J., Plattner, G-K., Allen, S.K., Tignor, M. & Midgley, P.M. (eds.) Managing the Risks of Extreme Events and Disasters to Advance Climate Change Adaptation. A Special Report of Working Groups I and II of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 65–108.

Carter, T.R. & Saarikko, R.A. 1996. Estimating regional crop potential in Finland under a changing cli-mate. Agricultural and Forest Meteorology 79: 301–313.

Caseldine, C.J. & Turney, C. 2010. The bigger picture: Towards integrating paleoclimate and environ-mental data with a history of societal change. Journal of Quaternary Science 25: 88–93.

Dawson, A. G., Elliott, L., Mayewski, P., Lockett, P., Noone, S., Hickey, K., Holt, T., Wadhams, P. & Fos-ter, I. 2003. Late-Holocene North Atlantic climate ‘seesaws’, storminess changes and Greenland ice sheet (GISP2) palaeoclimates. The Holocene 13: 381–392.

Dearing, J.A., Acma, B., Bub, S., Chambers, F.M., Chen, X, Cooper, J., Crook, D., Dong, X.H., Dotterwe-ich, M., Edwards, M.E., Foster, T.H., Gaillard, M.-J., Galop, D., Gell, P., Gil, A., Jeffers, E., Jones, R.T., Krishnamurthy, A., Langdon, P.G., Marchant, R., Mazier, F., McLean, C.E., Nunes, L.H., Raman, S., Suryaprakash, I., Umer, M., Yang, X.D., Wang, R. & Zhang, K. 2015. Social-ecological systems in the Anthropocene: the need for integrating social and biophysical records at regional scales. The Anthropocene Review 2: 220–246.

De Vries, J. 1980. Measuring the impact of climate on history: The search for appropriate methodologies.

The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 10: 599–630.

Dirks, R. 1993. Starvation and famine: Cross-cultural codes and some hypothesis tests. Cross-Cultural Research 27: 28–69.

Dodds, B. 2004. Estimating arable output using Durham Priory tithe receipts, 1341–1450. Economic Histo-ry Review 57: 245–285.

Douglas, A.E. 1914. A method of estimating rainfall by the growth of trees. Bulletin of the American Geo-graphical Society 46: 321–335.

Dyer, C. 1989. Standards of Living in the later Middle Ages: Social Change in England c. 1200-1520. Cam-bridge: Cambridge University Press.

Esper, J., Frank, D.C., Timonen, M., Zorita, E., Wilson, R.J.S., Luterbacher, J., Holzkämper, S., Fischer, N., Wagner, S., Nievergelt, D., Verstege, A. & Büntgen, U. 2012. Orbital forcing of tree-ring data.

Nature Climate Change 2: 862–866.

Esper, J., Krusic, P.J., Ljungqvist, F.C., Luterbacher, J., Carrer, M., Cook, E., Davi, N.K., Hartl-Meier, C., Kirdyanov, A., Konter, O., Myglan, V., Timonen, M., Treydte, K., Trouet, V., Villalba, R., Yang, B.

& Büntgen, U. 2016. Ranking of tree-ring based temperature reconstructions of the past millenni-um. Quaternary Science Reviews, 145: 134–151.

Frank, D., Büntgen, U., Böhm, R., Maugeri, M. & Esper, J. 2007. Warmer early instrumental measure-ments versus colder reconstructed temperatures: shooting at a moving target. Quaternary Science Reviews 26: 3298–3310.

Fritts, H.C. 1976. Tree Rings and Climate. London: Academic Press.

Guimon, T. 2010. Novgorodian First Chronicle. In Dunphy, G. (ed.) Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, Volume II. Leiden: Brill, 1158–1159.

Gunnarson, B.E., Linderholm, H.W. & Moberg, A. 2011. Improving a tree-ring reconstruction from west-central Scandinavia: 900 years of warm-season temperatures. Climate Dynamics 36: 97–108.

Haltia-Hovi, E., Saarinen, T. & Kukkonen, M. 2007. A 2000-year record of solar forcing on varved lake sediment in eastern Finland. Quaternary Science Reviews 26: 678–689.

Heino, R. 1994. Climate in Finland During the Period of Meteorological Observations. Helsinki: Finnish Mete-orological Institute.

Helama, S., Melvin, T.M. & Briffa, K.R. 2017. Regional curve standardisation: State of the art. The Holocene 27: 172–177.

Helbling, J. 2007. Coping with “natural” disasters in pre-industrial societies: some comments. The Medie-val History Journal 10: 429–446.

Helle, S. & Helama, S. 2007. Climatic variability and the population dynamics of historical hunter-gather-ers: The case of Sami of northern Finland. American Journal of Human Biology 19: 844–853.

Himanen, S.J., Hakala, K. & Kahiluoto, H. 2013. Crop responses to climate and socioeconomic change in northern regions. Regional Environmental Change 13: 17–32.

Holm, J. 2005. Härskarmakten och undersåtarna. Legitimitet och maktutövning i tidigmodern tid. His-torisk tidskrift 125: 375–397.

Holopainen, J., Helama, S. & Timonen, M. 2006. Plant phenological data and tree-rings as palaeoclimate indicators since AD 1750 in SW Finland. International Journal of Biometeorology 51: 61–72.

Holopainen, J. & Helama, S. 2009. Little Ice Age farming in Finland: Preindustrial agriculture on the edge of the Grim Reaper’s scythe. Human Ecology 37: 213–225.

Huhtamaa, H. 2018. Combining written and tree-ring evidence to trace past food crises: A case study from Finland. In Collet, D. & Schuh, M. (eds.) Famines During the ʻLittle Ice Ageʼ (1300-1800). So-cionatural Entanglements in Premodern Societies. Cham: Springer, 43–66.

Hurrell, J.W., Kushnir, Y., Ottersen, G. & Visbeck, M. 2003. An overview of the North Atlantic Oscillation.

In Hurrell, J.W., Kushnir, Y., Ottersen, G. & Visbeck, M. (eds.) The North Atlantic Oscillation: Cli-matic Significance and Environmental Impact. Washington: American Geophysical Union, 1–35.

Hustich, I. 1947. On variations in climate, in crop of cereals and in growth of pine in northern Finland 1890–1939. Fennia 70: 1–24.

Häkkinen, A. 1994. Vaikuttivatko väärät hätäaputoimet vuosien 1867–1868 suureen kuolleisuuteen? In Karonen, P. (ed.) ”Pane leipään puolet petäjäistä.” Nälkä ja pulavuodet Suomen historiassa. Jyväskylä:

University of Jyväskylä, 62–82.

Ianin, V.L. 2006. Medieval Novgorod’. In Perrie, M. (ed.) The Cambridge History of Russia, Volume I: From Early Rus to 1689. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 188–210.

Izdebski, A., Holmgren, K., Weiberg, E., Stocker, S.R., Büntgen, U., Florenzano, A., Gogou, A., Lereoy, S.A.G., Luterbacher, J., Martrat, B., Masi, A., Mercuri, A.M., Montagna, P., Sadori, L., Schneider, A., Sicre, M.-A., Triantaphyllou, M. & Xoplaki, E. 2016. Realising consilience: How better com-munication between archaeologists, historians and natural scientists can transform the study of past climate change in the Mediterranean. Quaternary Science Reviews 136: 5–22.

Jespersen, K.J.V. 2016. Economic growth and trade. In Kouri, E.I. & Olesen, J.E. (eds.) The Cambridge His-tory of Scandinavia. Vol 2. 1520–1870. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 176–191.

Johanson, V.F. 1924. Finlands agrarpolitiska historia: en skildring av det finländska lantbrukets ekonomiska betin-gelser. 1, Från 1600-talet till år 1870. Helsinki: Suomen Maataloustieteellinen Seura.

Josefsson, T., Ramqvist, P.H. & Hörnberg, G. 2014. The history of early cereal cultivation in northernmost Fennoscandia as indicated by palynological research. Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 23:

821–840.

Jutikkala, E. 1955. The Great Finnish Famine in 1696–97. Scandinavian Economic History Review 3: 48–63.

Jutikkala, E. 1987. ”Jyrkkä” tautiteoria. Historiallinen Aikakauskirja 85: 151–152.

Jutikkala, E. 1994. Ilmaston muutokset ja historia. In Karonen, P. (ed.) ”Pane leipään puolet petäjäistä.”

Nälkä ja pulavuodet Suomen historiassa. Jyväskylä: University of Jyväskylä, 9–24.

Jutikkala, E. 2003a. Halla aina uhkana. In Rasila, V., Jutikkala, E. and Mäkelä-Alitalo, A. (eds.) Suomen maatalouden historia. Osa 1: Perinteisen maatalouden aika: esihistoriasta 1870 -luvulle. Helsinki: Suo-malaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 292–299.

Jutikkala, E. 2003b. Katovuodet. In Rasila, V., Jutikkala, E. and Mäkelä-Alitalo, A. (eds.) Suomen maatalou-den historia. Osa 1: Perinteisen maataloumaatalou-den aika: esihistoriasta 1870 -luvulle. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 504–513.

Kahan, A. 1968. Natural calamities and their effect upon the food supply in Russia. Jahrbücher für Ges-chichte Osteuropas 16: 353–377.

Kain, R. 1979. Tithe as an index of pre-industrial agricultural production. The Agricultural History Review

Kain, R. 1979. Tithe as an index of pre-industrial agricultural production. The Agricultural History Review