My background as a researcher of religious minority youth derives from my personal experience of growing up somewhat affiliated with the Adventist church, however living in a completely mainstream neighbourhood, and of attending both mainstream schools and a denominational boarding school. Adventists do not essentially differ from the mainstream population in ethnicity or appearance, and are in no apparent way excluded or separated from the Finnish mainstream society. Thus, the church members generally are, besides their religious minority membership, also full members of the major ity. This dual membership provides access to both groups, but it also causes negotiations for the in dividuals having “one foot in a boat and another on the shore” – when it comes to matters in which the values and practices of minority and majority collide.
This, in my experience, creates a position with constant switch between proximity and distance, something that is also essential in conducting research. It includes roles both as a critical outsider making observations through the eyes of the majority, and as a
“knowing” insider familiar with the culture and language of the religious minority.
Hence, when my research interests drew my focus into educational practices in the home and young people’s identity development, it felt natural to choose the Adventist community as a context for my research. My background would, thereby, serve as a dual standpoint, with both the view of an in sider, gaining access to and trust within the community, and the one of an outsider, enabling me to take
some distance from the context. Also my current membership in the denomination combined with a physical distance from the Finnish research context, as I presently live in England, would continue to serve the same purpose.
Throughout the research process, I have also been aware of the challenges regarding my insider po sition in the research field, principally of the difficulties in balancing between the proximity and distance. Also the possible effects on the data caused by my insider position were acknowledged. Especially in requesting the participants’ names in the questionnaires, the fact that an insider will read the responses may have affected the way of answering.
Also, especially some of the partici pants representing the parental generation in my research context may have hesitated to give personal in formation on their religious practices to a “young inside researcher”.
Though acknowledging this, I wanted to ask the names openly and explain why they are needed, rather than to code the question naires and ask people to return them “anonymously”.
Despite my concerns, the returned parental questionnaires seem to have a confidential and honest undertone. Many participants have also disclosed more personal experiences and considerations – rather than some self-evident declarations of unspoken denominational ideals. Most of the really personal answers seem to be from either the people that know me rather well, or those who don’t have any personal relationship with me. This was somehow along the lines that I had expected, since I thought that these groups of people could probably be most honest with their answers; either because they do know me and trust me, or because they don’t know me personally and therefore don’t think that what they write might later affect them in any way. Some of the parents, however, may even have failed to return the questionnaire because they felt uneasy about the fact that some one that they don’t know very well, but from within the denomination, could have had a chance to get some personal information about them. This may especially be the case when it comes to issues like the usage of alcohol or contributing to the ingathering and paying of tithes (10 % of income) to the church, as these people do not necessarily know my personal stance (and
may thus fear that I would disapprove of their views) when it comes to those matters.
For my part, I deliberately chose an open stance about my position as both a camp staff member and a researcher, with regard to other staff members, parents and teenagers all alike. My name and con tact details were provided in the letter sent to homes, I personally collected the parental consent pa pers, presented the research questionnaire, gathered the survey data and so on. Also, when I wanted to tape a conversation or an interview, I made sure that everyone present agreed to the recorder be ing on, told briefly that the recordings are only used for research purposes, and emphasised the con fidentiality of all material gathered.
Having studied Adventist young people for several years, and naturally through my personal ex periences and familiarity of the Adventist beliefs and culture, I have gradually gained more knowl edge on some of the topics and issues that seem to be significant, difficult, troubling, etc. in the lives of the Adventist youth. This includes some of the practical issues that become relevant during one’s teenage years when growing up in an Adventist family.
However, being 10–15 years older than the teenagers in my study, I do not claim to have any idea of the feelings and experiences of the present generation of youngsters. I only have some idea of the sort of questions to pose and, to some extent, how to pose them (or often, rather, how not to pose them), being also familiar with the specific lan guage; all of these being factors that make the research process slightly easier. On the other end of the spectrum, having at this point approximately the same age-gap in the other direction, between myself and the parental generation, is likely to affect the participants’ attitudes towards me as a re searcher, and thereby their answers, too. Also my gender may naturally have an impact on what is said and what is left out, especially in interview situations.
In establishing trust with the young people as well as their parents and the camp staff, being a somewhat familiar face in the camps and a member of the denomination was generally an advantage, both in gaining access to the camp and in becoming a natural group member. In the camp the relationships between teenagers and staff
are generally very good. After all, the staff is mainly young adults who share a similar background with the youth; however they are generally not their parents or teachers. It is, therefore, rather common that youth want to discuss personal mat ters with them.
Conclusions
When it comes to objectivity, coming from the ‘outside’ does not necessarily mean any more neu tral stance than when coming from the ‘inside’ (Grönfors 1982, 64). All researchers have their own values and preconceptions, and an outsider may well be more biased in reference to the group under study than an insider.
A similar pattern applies to the other memberships and characteristics of the researcher; in this case my age, gender, personality, positions and networks within the community, and so on. They cer tainly may have an impact on what is said and what is left out in the data, who returns the question naire and who doesn’t, who agrees to be interviewed and who is opposed, and so on. If I was younger/older, non-Adventist, or male, researching a similar phenomena, I might get some answers that have now been left out, but then another spectrum of data would be absent. Also the analysis might differ from mine, as each researcher views the data through a particular set of values.
Thus, each study has its particular limitations to struggle with.
In this research, an effort was made to diminish those, e.g., with methodological choices – that is, by using different data sets gathered with complementing approaches. Also, in order to help the reader arbitrate the significance of the research findings, I have tried to shed some light on my perspective and my particular location in the research field.
When it comes to its contribution in the field of youth research, this study offers a viewpoint of educational research to the rather limited scientific literature on young people’s religious minority identity in Finland. As well as supplying information on young
people, the data includes their par ents; it also looks at both genders, and includes both quantitative and qualitative perspectives. The research design, together with the measures developed in the research process, can also serve as a starting point for future applications exploring religious minority identity and social capital among the young people affiliated with other denominational contexts.
notes
1 The context of the research, the Seventh-day Adventist denomination (for practical reasons simply referred to as “Adventism/-t” in the article), is an international Protestant movement originating in the United States in 1844. It has presently some 13 million members worldwide (Adventist News Network 2004, 8). In Finland, which is an increasingly secular Western society with a strong history of Evangelical Lutheranism, it is a rather small minority religion with approximately 5,300 members (Adventist Online Yearbook 2005), the whole population being 5.2 million. Some of the main features of Adventism include the observance of Sabbath on Saturday and baptism through immersion.
Within the movement, emphasis is laid on healthy lifestyle and education, and thus the denomination runs a network of hospitals, schools, colleges and universities around the world.
2 Phinney’s MEIM and Rosenberg’s Self Esteem Scale have been used together previously at least by Umaña-Taylor (2004).
3 This figure is approximate, since a few teenagers were only attending the daily programme, not staying at the campsite but at home or a family summer cottage, and had thus not registered at the camp office.
4 According to the membership register (which may not be accurate as the youth who have not been baptized are not official members), the number of Adventist adolescents of the ages 14–18 in Finland is currently slightly over three hundred (Vesterinen 2004). In addition to Adventist youth, there were some 20–30 teenagers in the camp who were not from Adventist families.
5 The original questionnaire data of 95 teenagers from Adventist families was later supplemented, for practical reasons, with 5 more participants, in order to have enough cases for some further statistical analyses and to match the frequencies with percents.
6 As a show of appreciation for their time (interview duration approximated as 45 minutes) they were promised a small token (€ 5) to the camp canteen. Even
though rewarding interview participants may be regarded as an issue of ethical consideration itself, the monetary value here was considered rather nominal bearing in mind the time and effort required from the interviewees. Also, when conducting the interviews a year later, the participants didn’t generally even remember the promised ‘reward’ when they promised to participate in the interview, and all agreed, so at least it hardly was a reason for them to take part. Some of the interviewees even chose not to use their token, or only bought an ice cream or a soft drink with it afterwards.
7 However, out of the approximately 120 campers, only 33 had remembered to return the required paper slip to the camp office as they signed in at their arrival. Many youth had either come straight from a family summer cottage or some trip, and were therefore not home when the letter had arrived – or had just forgotten the returnable paper slip at home or in their luggage. Therefore, it took a lot of time and energy to first ask everyone in the first morning meeting to bring them in if they had the paper slips in their rooms, and afterwards call or text the rest of the homes to get their parents’ opinions.
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