Parlevliet’s Human Rights as Relationships Dimension

According to Lederach, the relational mode “depicts the changes affected in and desired for face-face relationships.”²⁰⁶ Similarly, under Parlevliet’s analysis, focusing on human and civil rights as relationships “refers to the relevance of rights for organising and governing the interaction between states and citizens.”²⁰⁷ In the context of Israel-Palestine, the Palestinian call for equality stems from a desire for Israelis to recognise the significance of their plight and the deep, ontological consequences it permeates. By understanding the conflict from a human rights perspective, this discursive switch effectuates a change in how the conflict is perceived by addressing underlining consequences of its perpetuation, which are not easily categorised into notions of nationalism. On a horizontal basis, the focus on human rights is a means to balance the legal, economic and political disparities between Arabs and Jews. At present, only 26% of Israeli Jews feel the growing relations crisis in the country can be overturned by making Arabs more equal to the country’s Jewish citizens.²⁰⁸ It is these attitudes which are the target of the human rights debate, since “they are concerned with how people should be treated so that their dignity is respected.”²⁰⁹ A focus on human rights draws attention to the untenable

204 Institute for National Security Studies (INSS)., in Harman, D., Poll: More than a Third of Jewish Israelis See Arab Citizens as ‘Enemies.,”

http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.698370?utm_campaign=Echobox&utm_medium=Social&utm_source=Facebook, January 20^th, 2016

205 Ibid

206 Lederach, J., Conflict Transformation, http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/transformation, October 2003

207 Parlevliet, M., Rethinking Conflict Transformation from a Human Rights Perspective, http://www.berghof-foundation.org/fileadmin/redaktion/Publications/Handbook/Articles/parlevliet_handbook.pdf, September 2009, pp. 9

208 Institute for National Security Studies (INSS)., in Harman, D., Poll: More than a Third of Jewish Israelis See Arab Citizens as ‘Enemies.,”

http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.698370?utm_campaign=Echobox&utm_medium=Social&utm_source=Facebook, January 20^th, 2016

209 Parlevliet, M., Rethinking Conflict Transformation from a Human Rights Perspective, http://www.berghof-foundation.org/fileadmin/redaktion/Publications/Handbook/Articles/parlevliet_handbook.pdf, September 2009, pp. 9

human situation in the region by shifting the discourse away from vague nationalist aspirations to very specific and concrete civic, social and democratic rights.²¹⁰ This is not to say switching attention from a two-state solution to Palestinian rights will miraculously improve the welfare of the average Palestinian but expanding the discourse “might have various positive effects.”²¹¹ Removing the dire social implications of the conflict from the political realm by appealing to a human rights discourse, thoroughly steeped in clear legalistic terms, addresses the responsibility of ordinary Israelis to recognize how “their actions and beliefs impact on the extent to which others are able to realize their rights.”²¹²

Critics and staunch supporters of Israel would be correct at this stage to point out this relational aspect to human rights equally applies to Palestinians, as well as Israel. Nevertheless, given the asymmetrical nature of the conflict, the focus on Israeli attitudes and policy here is to highlight how the clear disparities between the two groups and violation of numerous Palestinian rights creates a breeding ground for heightened animosity and victimization, which eventually manifests itself in direct violence. Pointing to the physical signs of Apartheid and calling for a proportional distribution of key resources, equal rights advocates aim to transform the conflict for the sake of alleviating the social and economic pressures endured on a daily basis. One unnamed Palestinian put it succinctly when asked if (s)he had normal relations with Israelis on a personal level.

“The problem is not with religion; it is whether it is humane or not humane, if they violate our rights or not. If they don’t violate our rights, and recognize them, we might talk to them.”²¹³

On a vertical basis, adopting a human rights based approach allows activists to emphasize “the responsibility of the state towards its citizens and to provide citizens with a platform for demanding accountability.”²¹⁴ Regarding the current status quo, this is problematic since technically Israeli-Arabs are not citizens but are residents. Furthermore, Israel is neither the sovereign of the West Bank or the Gaza Strip. However, there is little doubt that Israeli attitudes

210 Diab, K., Interview, 11/8/2015

211 Barnett, M., Focus on Palestinian Rights, not Palestinian State,

http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/markaz/posts/2015/10/02-palestinian-rights-not-state-barnett, October 2^nd, 2015

212 Parlevliet, M., Rethinking Conflict Transformation from a Human Rights Perspective, http://www.berghof-foundation.org/fileadmin/redaktion/Publications/Handbook/Articles/parlevliet_handbook.pdf, September 2009, pp. 10

213 Unamed Palestinian., PIJ., Young Palestinians Voices from East Jerusalem, Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics and Culture, Vol. 21, No. 2, 2015

214 Ibid, pp. 9

influence Israeli governmental policy. And as such, these policies significantly compromise the basic human rights of Palestinians within Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

In Israel itself, Arab residents are subject to draconian policies based on racial clarification to which Jewish citizens are not. This flagrantly contradicts Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR): “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.”²¹⁵ The West Bank has been sliced apart by a road system which restricts access to those of Arab origin to work, strangling the Palestinian economy and creating a whole generation of young Palestinians who have little prospect for work and interaction with their Jewish peers in Israel.

The implications suffuse societal relationships horizontally, further saturating an already unhealthy environment where both Israeli and Palestinian youths are unable to recall

“times when the relations were better, where there were fewer checkpoints, when there was trust, when there was a vibe for peace, when there were talks for peace and when there was hope.”²¹⁶ This is only set to deepen the sense of alienation between the very generations who may be expected to engender a climate of peace. Furthermore, since 2004, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has deemed the separation barrier surrounding the territory as illegal. ²¹⁷ Moreover, as the occupying force, Israel is prohibited from exploiting the natural resources of the occupied territories for its own economic benefit. Such actions violate several tenets of international humanitarian law, including “Articles 49 and 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and Articles 43, 46, 53, and 55 of the Hague Regulations.”²¹⁸

Thus, on the vertical axis of the relational dimension, human rights agendas not only pressure the state to abide by its legal obligations in accordance with international law, but in terms of conflict transformation, it “implies the need to address structural concerns that impact the relationship.”²¹⁹ The aim is to use the equality based rhetoric of a human rights discourse to overcome the dehumanising attitudes within both societies, and reverse the processes which

215 UN., Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

http://www.ohchr.org/EN/UDHR/Documents/UDHR_Translations/eng.pdf, 1948

216 Finkel, L., Roundtable Discussion: The Younger Generation, Palestine-Israel Journal (PIJ), Vol. 18, No. 4, 2013, pp. 89

217 ICJ., Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?pr=71&code=mwp&p1=3&p2=4&p3=6, July 9^th, 2004

218 Kamhawi-Bitar, N., Israel’s Obligations Concerning Natural Resources According to International Law, Palestine-Israel Journal (PIJ), Vol. 19, No. 4 & Vol. 20, No. 1, 2014, pp. 16

219 Parlevliet, M., Rethinking Conflict Transformation from a Human Rights Perspective, http://www.berghof-foundation.org/fileadmin/redaktion/Publications/Handbook/Articles/parlevliet_handbook.pdf, September 2009, pp. 9

legitimate violent or restrictive behaviour by the state towards the Palestinians and which vice versa justify violence against Israel. ²²⁰ In maximising mutual understanding by minimizing poor communicative channels, it is hoped the relational fears and goals of the people involved are made explicit.²²¹ Parlevliet’s contention that human rights provide an avenue to analyse the connection between horizontal and vertical relationships within the context of the conflict therefore cohesively interlinks with Lederach’s third mode, which aims to uncover the structural components prolonging conflict.

220 Darwesih, M., Human Rights and the Imbalance of Power: The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict,

http://www.berghof-foundation.org/fileadmin/redaktion/Publications/Handbook/Dialogue_Chapters/dialogue9_darweish_comm.p df, 2010, pp. 87

221 Lederach, J., Conflict Transformation, http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/transformation, October 2003