This thesis focuses on how Finnish-German young adults who have lived the majority of their lives in Finland experience their bicultural identity and their possibilities to realize it specifically in Finland. Answers to this topic were looked for with the help of the following research questions:
RQ1. How do Finnish-German young adults living in Finland perceive their cultural identity?
RQ2.a. How do Finnish-Germans negotiate their bicultural identity on a practical level in Finland?
RQ2.b. What are their strategies and concrete actions to pursue their identity?
RQ3. How is it to live in Finland as a Finnish-German?
There are firstly societal reasons to study this subject. Finland is an emigration country, which also has an aging population (Talib & Lipponen 2008, Mannila 2009). Thus, there is a need to keep productive young people in the Finnish labor market. How Finnish-German young adults are perceived in Finland as a cultural group and how they experience the Finnish societal conditions for their life and well-being are studied in this thesis among other aspects. These things indicate if Finnish society is attractive enough for Finnish-German young adults to stay in Finland and not to take their know-how elsewhere.
Finnish-German young people are a significant target group for multiple reasons. Since the 19th century Germany has had a great impact on Finland’s cultural, economic, and scientific development, which can still be perceived in Finland today (Suomi-Saksa Yhdistysten Liitto, 2013). Germany
and German culture are significant in today’s Finland also through the fact that Germany is still one of Finland’s most significant trading partners (Finnish-German Chamber of Commerce, 2012).
Many of today’s successful Finnish brands stemming from the end of the 19th century were founded by Finnish-German individuals, e.g. the well-known Stockmann shopping mall brand and the Paulig coffee brand (Suomi-Saksa Yhdistysten Liitto, 2013). In addition, in the end of the 19th century, the Finnish-German community in Helsinki confirmed its position by founding a German parish, German library, and German school, which all still run today (Suomi-Saksa Yhdistysten Liitto, 2013).
Starting from the 20th century, the distribution of different
immigrant groups in Finland has become wider, which is why Germans are no longer among the biggest immigrant groups in Finland (Suomi-Saksa
Yhdistysten Liitto, 2013). Today, there are approximately 6000 Germans in Finland (Ministry of the Interior, 2012). Germans are quantitatively smaller than the biggest immigrant groups, which are former Soviet Union citizens (over 52 000), Estonians (around 35 000), and Swedes (around 32 000) (Ministry of the Interior, 2012). There are about 70 000 Finns with dual nationality in Finland (Ministry of the Interior, 2012) among which there is also an unknown number of Finnish-Germans. Despite searching and also consulting the Suomi-Saksa Yhdistysten Liitto, I was not able to find any statistical number of the Finnish-German originated young adults in Finland.
In the 1990s Hulkkonen (1997) studied Germans’ reasons for immigrating to Finland. These informants represent the parent generation of this thesis’ informants, although Hulkkonen did not have this perspective in her
thesis. The two major reasons for the immigration of the parents were
economic and interpersonal (Hulkkonen, 1997). These reasons might influence the cultural attitudes inherited by the young F-G informants of this thesis. As the immigration process has been voluntary and wanted, it could be assumed to positively affect the offspring’s attitudes toward both the Finnish and German cultures.
In conclusion, Finnish-German young adults who have cultural knowledge and skills of German culture are valuable in Finnish society and organizations since Germany is one of Finland’s biggest trade partners (Finnish-German Chamber of Commerce, 2012). This thesis should clarify what already works well in Finland from the perspective of the informants and what could be improved in Finland and how. It is also interesting to find out, how well the descendants of an immigrant parent have adopted to the Finnish culture.
There are also other reasons to study this subject. From my researcher viewpoint every cultural group is valuable and worth studying, i.e.
basically it would not matter which cultural group would be studied because all cultures are valuable. The informants of this thesis were interviewed, which provided them a possibility to feel special, i.e. this thesis provided them a possible experience of empowerment.
It was rather difficult to find previous research about this specific group with the focus of this thesis. Most of the biculturalism studies focus on immigrants but the informants of this thesis are not immigrants but Finns with a Finnish-German family background. A lot of research also focuses on bilingualism but this study aims to broaden the discussion on a cultural level
where bilingualism represents only one phenomenon. Thus, this thesis aims to view natives in their own home country, i.e. Finnish-Germans in Finland, instead of immigrants. Another aim is to deal with biculturalism as a wider cultural and personal way of being than just being bilingual. Previous studies about bicultural identity are reviewed in chapter 3.
The data for this thesis was collected by interviewing nine
informants face to face in semi-structured interviews. The interviews were then analyzed with a grounded theory method mostly focusing on Charmaz’ (2014) grounded theory and interpretive methodology. The data gathering and analysis process are described in chapters 5-7. In the earlier chapters 2-4 the theoretical background in the Intercultural Communication field is discussed. The
abbreviation F-G refers to Finnish-German in this thesis.