Indigenous peoples and industrial development

While continuing describing indigenous peoples, it is important to mention that despite seemingly undeveloped nature of the indigenous communities, in majority of the cases their residents do not oppose economic development of their settlements (Stammler and Wilson 2006, 19). They do understand what kind of benefits such development may bring, but what they definitely do oppose are the possible repercussions of economic and particularly industrial development, namely environmental harm and disposition of their land rights or claims for such rights. According to the United Nations (United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues 2007), there is a clear link between losses of the lands and indigenous lands rights and

“marginalization, discrimination and underdevelopment” of indigenous communities.

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Without any doubt, previous and on-going stages of industrial and economic development, as well as diverse political processes passing in the Soviet Union and subsequently in the Russian Federation, have influenced almost all spheres of traditional life of indigenous communities and native peoples as well.

Historically, the traditional activities of majority of the Northern indigenous and native peoples were reindeer herding, sea-hunting (and whaling, in particular), fishing, hunting, and mushrooms, berries, and herbs gathering. Although, there are also many other activities that are traditional to the specific groups, for instance, rock excavation and stone carving are the traditional activities of the Vepsians (RAIPON 2013, 8). Nowadays, reindeer-herding and sea-hunting are regarded as the most promising economic activities among the aforementioned ones, also due to the structural changes happened during the Soviet times: e.g. reindeer herding was developed as a profitable agricultural industry, while family communities that were engaged in reindeer herding practices were transformed in production teams or brigades (AMAP Report 2004, 21). Hunting and fishing, influenced by adaptation of new techniques and tools and consequently loss of traditional methods, are currently regarded almost exclusively in terms of a source of food in local communities, but not as the stable profitable occupations as they used to be. The same, in general, applies to the gathering activities.

Analyzing the affects that economic and industrial development brought to the indigenous and native communities we may witness such situation that majority of them are regarded as quite negative, especially in connection to traditional lifestyle and traditional activities of indigenous and native peoples, and environment. Nevertheless, it is important to mention that in this regard and especially when talking about positive consequences we face emergence of an obstacle of identifying what is positive in the indigenous and native communities’ perspective and in the perspective of outsiders. Here are some examples. From one point of view, increasing openness of local communities to outside world as a consequence of economic development resulted in influx of new goods, from the other hand, some of these goods led to marginalization of the communities or dramatic alterations, particularly, an influx of alcohol resulted in mass alcohol consumption among the local population, delivery of sugar and preservatives led to the changes in diet, etc. Possibly, a few positive consequences that are more or less undisputable are increasing literacy and professional education among the locals and establishment of schools and health centers (ibid., 24).

In relation to industrial development in particular, problematic issues concerning environmental degradation arise. The most outstanding instance of it is operation of natural resource extractive and mining companies. Absolute majority of indigenous and native have claims for lands they

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reside on and are strongly attached to local nature and environment. These lands are usually resource-rich, a fact of which frequently leads to the clashes between the extractive companies that would like to operate or already have been operating in a particular area and indigenous communities that reside on that land for centuries (United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues 2009; Warden-Fernandez 2001, 4). From the perspective of the industries these lands are frequently regarded as “frontier lands” or “terra nullius, free and waiting to be explores, often also connected with the idea that it is void of meaning before explorers arrive there” (Stammler & Ivanova 2016b).

Bearing this data in mind, it is interesting to outline the fact noticed by Stammler and Ivanova in their article on the strategies of human-resource relations in the northern regions of Russia.

As they write, “indigenous and local people’s rights to be consulted start after the decision to extract and the issuing of the license [for operation on oil fields]. It is therefore permitted to do exploratory activity without consulting with the local population” (Stammler & Ivanova 2016a, 63). The concerns of indigenous peoples are indeed not a priority for the respective agencies issuing such licenses in the country that is highly dependent on the revenues from natural resources exploration (Stammler & Ivanova 2016b, 1224). The similar is addressed by Stammler and Peskov in the article “Building a “culture of dialogue” among stakeholders in north-west Russian oil extraction”, where they mention that “unlike in northern regions outside Russia, local and indigenous people have virtually no influence over whether or not land is destined to be exploited for hydrocarbon development” (Stammler & Peskov 2008, 835).

It is clear that operation of extractive and mining companies is hardly possible without causing any harm to environment. On the other hand, it should be noted that in regard to the northern and far northern regions this environment is especially fragile and vulnerable.

In case of Russia’s Far North, the environmental degradation, which was caused by mining and extractive companies, has led to the increasing levels of mortality and morbidity of indigenous peoples, shortages of pastures for reindeer, contamination of the natural food resources, and chemical pollution, which affects not only a particular settlement, but spreads beyond its borders (ibid., 25-26). According to Fryer and Lehtinen (2013, 23), in extreme cases the environmental changes and risks may lead to migration of indigenous peoples. Nevertheless, more frequently the consequences of these hazards do not lead to the radical changes of the domiciles, but rather affect the daily routine of the communities.

The main actors pursuing distinctive interest in extracting activities on lands of indigenous and native communities’ residence are authorities (state, regional, and municipal), businesses

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(extractive companies themselves), and indigenous peoples. Here the environmental, public, and indigenous peoples’ organizations should not be forgotten as well.

In the end of this paragraph it is essential to mention that legal documents and agreements, as well as whole legal framework plays definitely important and even crucial role. Although it is not our task to analyze these agreements, the legal practitioners and scholars will undoubtedly do it better, but still it is possible to note that according to legislation of the countries where indigenous peoples reside, for example, Canada, the United States of America, Australia, New Zealand, the Russian Federation, Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, etc., allows indigenous communities to sign participation and other forms of agreements with extractive companies (United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues 2009). Whether these agreements are successful and do they really allow the indigenous communities to exercise their power is an entirely different matter. One way or another, in some countries such agreements are limited to participation of the indigenous peoples only on preparatory stage of the extractive or mining activities, in others – they have wider and stronger possibilities to influence the decisions made by the extractive companies (see more: Warden-Fernandez 2001).