Experiencing, working, learning : a grounded theory of intensive pedagogy with hard-to-reach youngsters

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Dissertations in Social Sciences and Business Studies

PUBLICATIONS OF

THE UNIVERSITY OF EASTERN FINLAND

VERA TAUBE

Experiencing, working, learning

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Experiencing, working, learning:

A grounded theory of intensive pedagogy with hard-to-reach youngsters

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Vera Taube

Experiencing, working, learning:

A grounded theory of intensive pedagogy with hard-to-reach youngsters

Publications of the University of Eastern Finland Dissertations in Social Sciences and Business Studies

No 246

University of Eastern Finland Kuopio

2021

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Grano Oy Jyväskylä, 2021

Editor in-Chief: Markus Mättö Editor: Anna Karttunen

Sales: University of Eastern Finland Library ISBN: 978-952-61-3750-6 (print)

ISBN: 978-952-61-3751-3 (PDF) ISSNL: 1798-5749

ISSN: 1798-5749 ISSN: 1798-5757 (PDF)

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Author’s address: Faculty of Social Sciences and Business Studies University of Eastern Finland

KUOPIO FINLAND

Doctoral programme: Welfare, Health and Management

Supervisors: Professor Juha Hämäläinen, Ph.D.

Department of Social Sciences University of Eastern Finland KUOPIO

FINLAND

Professor Riitta Vornanen, Ph.D.

Department of Social Sciences University of Eastern Finland KUOPIO

FINLAND

Reviewers: Professor Aila-Leena Matthies, Ph.D.

Kokkola University Consortium Chydenius University of Jyväskylä

KOKKOLA FINLAND

Professor Satu Uusiautti, Ph.D.

Faculty of Education University of Lapland ROVANIEMI

FINLAND

Opponent: Professor Aila-Leena Matthies, Ph.D.

Kokkola University Consortium Chydenius University of Jyväskylä

KOKKOLA

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Taube, Vera

Experiencing, working, learning: A grounded theory of intensive pedagogy with hard-to-reach youngsters

Kuopio: University of Eastern Finland, 2021 Publications of the University of Eastern Finland

Dissertations in Social Sciences and Business Studies; 246 ISBN: 978-952-61-3750-6 (print)

ISSNL: 1798-5749 ISSN: 1798-5749

ISBN: 978-952-61-3751-3 (PDF) ISSN: 1798-5757 (PDF)

ABSTRACT

This study investigates the theory and practice of intensive pedagogy with hard-to-reach youngsters. The overall objective of the study is to conceptualize an exemplary case of intensive pedagogy, the Erleben, Arbeiten und Lernen (EAL, Experiencing, Working, and Learning) project situated in Finland and run by a German child support provider. In the German child welfare system, these intensive measures address a target group of marginalized adolescents who are poorly served by the support system. Furthermore, these youngsters’ intense behavior problems may overstrain professionals across the child support system, leading to the repeated termination of support measures. Intensive measures abroad are understood as a last resort of pedagogic intervention to support a hard-to-reach, underage clientele, and they constitute an alternative to coercive or punitive measures.

I conducted this research as a grounded theory study in order to conceptualize EAL as a pedagogic intervention and innovative approach in hard-to-reach child support contexts. I used it to investigate the nature of the EAL project, with an emphasis on practice and the history of ideas. I obtained the sample for the empirical analysis from EAL project professionals and documents written about the treatment. In total, I collected 12 documents and 14 interviews for analysis. The interviews served as the main data set,

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which I assessed through the grounded theory procedure of open, axial, and selective coding. The documents provided background information and conceptual reference points for the findings from the interviews. In order to understand and explain the EAL project’s pedagogy, I used a grounded theory approach to enter into the data and develop a thick description of the project.

I complemented this by a situational analysis to go deeper into the practice of EAL. Six key pedagogic situations derived from the interviews were subjected to in-depth situational analysis. The analysis led to the core category of EAL as an experience laboratory, emphasizing experience construction as a core pedagogic aim, and denoting EAL as a pedagogic approach that targeted personal learning processes by constructing and confronting experiences.

The laboratory as a pedagogic space rests on the pillars of power and control, a setting with high developmental potential, and a pedagogic relationship that enables a balance of power and meets the educational needs of the pupil. Thus, the study elucidates the interplay of power, the environment, and relationships in the construction of experience, understanding the role of the educator as an agent of experience. By discussing the concept of the experience laboratory with regard to relevant theoretical contexts from the pedagogic field, the study identifies the ideological roots of EAL in social pedagogy and milieu-oriented approaches.

Keywords: intensive pedagogy, hard-to-reach, milieu, experience, pedagogic relationship, power

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Taube, Vera

Kokemuksia, työskentelyä ja oppimista: Ankkuroitua teoriaa hyödyntävä tutkimus intensiivipedagogiikasta vaikeasti tavoitettavien nuorten auttamiseksi

Kuopio: Itä-Suomen yliopisto, 2021

Publications of the University of Eastern Finland

Dissertations in Social Sciences and Business Studies; 246 ISBN: 978-952-61-3750-6 (nid.)

ISSNL: 1798-5749 ISSN: 1798-5749

ISBN: 978-952-61-3751-3 (PDF) ISSN: 1798-5757 (PDF)

TIIVISTELMÄ

Tutkimukseni käsittelee intensiivipedagogiikan teoriaa ja käytäntöä työs- kenneltäessä nuorten kanssa, joita palvelujärjestelmän keinoin on vaikea tavoittaa ja auttaa (hard-to-reach). Tutkimukseni yleisenä tavoitteena on kä- sitteellistää intensiivipedagogiikan esimerkkitapaus Erleben, Arbeiten und Lernen (EAL, Experiencing, Working, and Learning) –projekti, jota saksalai- nen lastensuojelupalvelu toteuttaa Suomessa. Saksalaisessa lastensuojelu- järjestelmässä nämä intensiiviset toimenpiteet kohdistuvat syrjäytyneiden nuorten kohderyhmään, jota tukijärjestelmät yleensä palvelevat huonosti.

Lisäksi näiden nuorten vaikeat käyttäytymisongelmat voivat ylikuormittaa ammattilaisia koko lastensuojelujärjestelmässä, mistä seuraa tukitoimenpi- teiden toistuvaa keskeytymistä. Ulkomailla toteutetut intensiivitoimenpiteet ymmärretään viimeiseksi keinoksi puuttua tähän alaikäisen asiakaskuntaan kuuluvien nuorten tilanteeseen pedagogisin keinoin, mikä on vaihtoehto pak- kokeinoille tai rangaistuskäytännöille.

Suoritin tutkimukseni ankkuroidun teorian (Grounded Theory) menetel- mällä, sillä tavoitteenani oli käsitellä EAL –projektia pedagogisena interve- ntiona ja innovatiivisena lähestymistapana työskenneltäessä lastensuoje- lun asiakkaiden (hard-to-reach) kanssa. Ankkuroidun teorian avulla pystyin

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tutkimaan EAL –projektin luonnetta painottaen käytäntöä ja aatehistoriaa.

Empiiristä analyysiä varten haastattelin EAL -projektin ammattilaisia sekä keräsin yhteensä 12 projektin toteutusta koskevaa asiakirjaa. Primääriai- neistoni muodostavat 14 haastattelua, joiden arvioinnissa käytin avointa, aksiaalista ja valikoivaa koodausta ankkuroituun teoriaan nojaten. Asiakir- jat tarjosivat taustatietoa ja käsitteellisiä viitekohtia haastattelujen tulosten tueksi. Ymmärtääkseni ja tulkitakseni EAL -projektin pedagogiikkaa käytin ankkuroidun teorian lähestymistapaa päästäkseni syvemmälle aineistoon ja kehittäessäni tiheää kuvausta (thick description) projektista. Täydensin tätä tilanneanalyysillä päästäkseni syvemmälle EAL:n käytäntöihin. Kuusi keskeis- tä haastatteluista johdettua pedagogista tilannetta analysoin perusteellisesti.

Tämän analyysin tuloksena määrittelin kokemuslaboratorion EAL:n ydinka- tegoriaksi. Kokemuslaboratorio korostaa kokemusten tuottamista keskei- senä pedagogisena tavoitteena ja osoittaa EAL:n toimivan henkilökohtaisiin oppimisprosesseihin kohdistuvana pedagogisena lähestymistapana, mikä hyödyntää kokemusten luomista ja niiden kohtaamista. Laboratorio pedagogisena tilana tuottaa vallan ja hallinnan pilareiden kannattelemana puitteet runsaille kehittymisen mahdollisuuksille sekä pedagogisen suhteen, mikä mahdollistaa valtatasapainon ja vastaa oppilaan koulutuksellisiin tarpeisiin.

Tutkimuksessa selvitetään siten vallan, ympäristön ja suhteiden vuorovaiku- tusta kokemusten rakentamisessa ymmärtäen kouluttajan rooli kokemuksen tuottajana. Tarkastellen kokemuslaboratorion käsitettä suhteessa pedagogisen alan merkittäviin teoreettisiin konteksteihin tutkimus tunnistaa EAL:n ideologiset juuret sosiaalipedagogiikassa ja miljöökeskeisissä lähestymista- voissa.

Avainsanat: intensiivipedagogiikka, hard-to-reach, miljöö, kokemus, peda- goginen suhde, valta

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Acknowledgements

Doctoral studies are often compared with a long, winding, and sometimes even rocky road the researcher has to travel. Traveling this road means working endless hours in seclusion doing analysis and writing, trying to make sense of the data, and finding insight into a new and exciting area of interest.

I was lucky that I had many traveling companions during my journey who supported and inspired my work. They often comforted me, gave me a leg- up when the road became rough or were just there when I needed someone to listen. I want to thank my travel companions who believed in me and motivated me to stay on track.

Firstly, I want to thank my supervisor Professor Juha Hämäläinen. He guided me through my journey with his structural support and encouragement. With his trust, patience, and endurance, he gave me the feeling that my journey will come to a good end. With his great expertise in social pedagogy and dedication to social work, he inspired my thinking. With his critical mind and openness, he allowed me to develop deeper insights than I would have thought possible. Secondly, I want to thank Professor Riitta Vornanen, who provided her expertise for my study in the second supervisor role. I am thankful for the fresh perspectives, she brought into the discussions, her supportive and open attitude for whatever problem occurred. I feel honored to have had both Juha and Riitta as supervisors for my study. Thirdly, my gratitude goes to Professor Aila-Leena Matthies and Professor Satu Uusiautti for acting as the preliminary examiners of my dissertation; I greatly appreciate their feedback and insightful comments on my manuscript.

Further academic and emotional support came from Professor Stefanie Sauer, Professor Silke Brigitta Gahleitner, and Professor Rudolf Schmitt - thank you for being there with wise counsel and a sympathetic ear.

Likewise, I would like to thank the participants of this research - the key workers and supervisors of the EAL Project who shared their thoughts, experiences, and feelings with me. This thesis is dedicated to them and all practitioners who take care of youngsters in need even under the most challenging circumstances. At this point, I should not forget about Professor

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Gunter Adams, who set the stone rolling. Thank you for teaching and confusing me. Thank you for allowing me to develop as a social worker and as a researcher.

I need to thank Daniela Filippi for her help on language/translation matters and Katharina Heilmann for proofreading, and the helpful feedback. Not to forget Sofia Rönkö and Raija Koskinen who helped me out with Finnish translations.

Tremendous thanks go to my family and, most importantly, to my husband Christian. His understanding, patience, humor, and emotional support helped me to persevere. Thank you for believing in me and for encouraging me to embark on this exciting academic journey.

Finally, I would like to dedicate special thanks to my fellow Ph.D. students in Finland and Germany. They provided stimulating discussions as well as happy distractions to rest my mind outside of my research. I was contented to have had Akiko Kosaka, Qingyun Fan, Christopher Romanowski, Karsten Giertz, Laura Wallner, and Matthias Laub accompanying me in this journey over the past six years sharing knowledge, anxieties, and aspirations for doctoral research.

Würzburg, February 2021 Vera Taube

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1 Introduction

In fall 2019, the motion picture Systemsprenger (system buster) came to movie theaters in Germany. The drama addresses a difficult topic in an intense, sensitive way. The center of the plot is Benni, a nine-year old girl with severe behavior problems, who is looking for trustworthy social connections and a safe haven. Stumbling through a seemingly endless sequence of failed attempts to support her back into social inclusion, she represents an example of a so-called hard-to-reach youngster. Her story reveals both the needs behind her behavioral disorder and the limitations of the support system in the face of the demands of such youngsters. Benni's overwhelming educational needs are beyond the professional system, which is apparently unable to take care of her.

Telling its story without apportioning blame, the film greatly touched its audience—professionals as well as laypeople—with its authentic representation of the stakeholders involved. It shows Benni and her desperate situation, as well as the helplessness of diverse care workers who recognize her needs but are unable to meet them. It soon becomes clear that Benni's dangerous actions are the reason why she both receives support and loses it. This is the tragic arc of the movie: The girl’s obvious needs are the reason why she receives help and also the cause of her ejection from that help. The issue reflected in the film is not new. Complex behavioral problems have challenged pedagogues and been a topic of discussion in Germany since at least the dawn of the social pedagogic movement at the turn of the 20^th century (Adler, 1927/1981; Aichhorn, 1925/1987; Nohl, 1925).

In this context, the movie presents a current societal perspective and portrays the issue of young “system busters” without making accusations against any of the parties involved. Rather, it demonstrates the luck, failures, and limitations at play in the support system. Referring to the perplexity of the parties concerned, the movie leaves the viewer—whether professional or lay—bewildered about how to deal with the tragic situations of youngsters like Benni, who have a strong need for durable bonds to enable them to process their painful experiences. At this point, the existence of an opposing

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discourse regarding this issue must be acknowledged. Often fueled by lurid media representations, cases of deviant juvenile behavior exacerbate demands for closed accommodation and harsher penalties for young offenders (Dulle & Mann, 2008). This polarization, and the incompatibility of closed accommodation with the developmental and supportive mission of child support, raises the question of how to handle youngsters with complex needs—particularly in light of the support system’s failings in such cases.

Common child-rearing patterns based on standardization and geared toward adherence to rules and norms lead to a dead end. Young people are punished by being deprived of basic existential needs, such as relationships and care, because they are socially and mentally conspicuous, which further aggravates their situation. Unconditional acceptance and support seem impossible, as the movie shows: Benni does not receive the things a child seems to need most—absolute acceptance, an emotionally stable living environment with caring adults, and the fulfillment of basic needs such as food, sleep, and physical contact. She remains lonely as the success of the intervention becomes a prerequisite for the support, a vicious circle of desperation. Rätz (2019) reflects on children’s needs in her blog post about the movie: “So what does a child need? A child has to be able to open up to the world. This requires elementary contact with other humans and a reasonably secure place” (my translation).

How can this be achieved? Placements in psychiatric units or detention centers often prove barely adequate to fulfill youngsters’ educational needs. Indeed, fulfilling those needs would require pedagogic institutions to go above and beyond their own frameworks and devote themselves fully to the young persons’ development. The helpers would have to become system busters themselves, stepping outside of existing limits in order to offer favorable responses to the youngsters’ enormous demands. To this end, in some cases, public welfare institutions cooperate with nonstatutory agencies to implement innovative and flexible measures, a characteristic feature of which is that they are located outside of Germany. Such intensive pedagogic treatments located abroad seem to be a promising way to escape the limitations of the existing support system.

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Intensive measures abroad are linked to great hopes—but also to major concerns. The few existing studies on the effects of such measures seem to demonstrate their success, but the studies’ scientific quality is disputable. As well as lacking reliable evidence, the circumstances of such measures raise concerns and criticisms: Young persons are delivered to foreign countries, and often also to total strangers with no professional pedagogic training—

and these are youngsters who test even trained and experienced pedagogues to their limits. The situation on-site is often vague and unknown, since it is extremely difficult for the responsible institutions to monitor the process abroad. Apart from these justified points of criticism, there is also the question of the expectations and demands placed on the educators and environment on-site. In light of the youngsters’ high developmental needs, and also the hitherto unsatisfactory pedagogic patterns immanent in the support system, how can educators provide the necessary care, attention, unconditional support, and durable presence? Plain theory does not suffice to support them in this, as its offer is limited to concepts and principles for pedagogic attitudes and actions. It only serves as an orientation; it cannot inform educators regarding concrete provisions to implement what it suggests. One way to generate answers that are relevant for practice might be to take a look at the practice itself and focus on existing (successful) educational processes. This perspective provides insights into the actual course of intensive pedagogic practice abroad, opening up the black box of work with so-called system busters.

1.1 Study design and research questions

This doctoral study focuses on the Erleben, Arbeiten und Lernen (EAL, Experiencing, Working, and Learning) project as an exemplary case of intensive pedagogic treatments abroad.¹ I investigated documents and conducted retrospective interviews with professionals who had been working

1 The project will be described and explained exhaustively in a thick description provided in Chapter 4. The national and discursive context of intensive treatments abroad will be elaborated in Chapter 2.

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on the project, in order to identify and explain the characteristics of EAL’s pedagogic approach.

Aiming to conceptualize the project’s practice, I chose a grounded theory approach to investigate professionals’ strategies and actions in this intensive pedagogic treatment. My guiding questions for this endeavor were:

• What are the characteristic patterns of pedagogic action in the EAL project?

• What are the constitutive elements used to implement pedagogic influence, in the EAL project?

Focusing on these questions, my research follows a tradition in pedagogic research that is associated with one of the most influential scholars on social pedagogy in Germany. Herman Nohl pointed out the need for an orientation toward reality in order to understand its nature.² He emphasized that a historical perspective was the only way to learn about durable ideas in pedagogy (Dollinger et al., 2007, p. 170; Nohl, 1979). A historical perspective is also essential to develop a robust theory that is appropriate to inform practice (Niemeyer et al., 1997, p. 156). Lorenz regards this sense of continuity as the way to clarify methodological frameworks, emphasizing the value of “giving professional methods of intervention a historical dimension, personally and

2 Many aspects of 20^th-century German history need to be critically assessed with regard to developments under National Socialism. This is particularly the case with the development of education and child-rearing, since the Nazi regime strongly instrumentalized both. In order to investigate the position of social work and the role of its foremost scholars, numerous research projects have been devoted to the topic, and many central figures in German education and pedagogy have been criticized for their roles during the years of National Socialism. Although he was forced into retirement in 1937 due to his dismissive attitude toward the Nazi regime, today Nohl is regarded as controversial because of his views on ethnicity and his demands for state pedagogy. Nevertheless, the core aspects of his pedagogy, and his understanding of pedagogy as part of the humanities, greatly influenced the pedagogic movement. Accordingly, his work is still perceived as an essential historical reference point in German child support. As one of the most innovative and influential pedagogic scholars of his time, Nohl received many honors for his life’s work after World War II. For further reading on social work in Germany during the Third Reich and a critical assessment of its key figures, see Amthor (2017), Dollinger (2008), and Tenorth (2000).

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collectively” (2007, p. 599; 2008). Thus, humanistic pedagogy is a discipline that deals with reality, but it represents a mere philosophical-reflective approach, with no obligation to include empirical data (Benner, 1991, p. 17).

However, in the tradition of social pedagogic work and research, we find important scholars who generated theories about their field through active engagement with their practice as well as by observing the practice of others.

Besides social work pioneers such as Mary Richmond (1899, 1917, 1922), Jane Addams (1910/2020), and Alice Salomon (1901, 1921, 1926), there are also classic pedagogic theories stemming from practice settings. To name but a few, Johann-Heinrich Pestalozzi (1797/2002), Janusz Korczak (1967), Anton Makarenko (1976), and Siegfried Bernfeld (1921) conceptualized their experiences in child-rearing and developed pivotal theories for the pedagogic field. Furthermore, this “grounded” form of theory development is frequently to be found among scholars who especially researched work with youngsters with severe behavioral problems. August Aichhorn (1925/1987), Alfred Adler (1927/1981, 1933/1996), Fritz Redl and David Wineman (1970), and Bruno Bettelheim (1973, 1989, 1991) generated and tested their theories in close relation to their own practice. They based their theoretical contributions about the genesis of severe behavioral problems, as well as their conclusions regarding the development of their own practice, on systematic investigations of their own daily work, which they infused in turn with their findings.

The aim to conceptualize practice mirrors the profession-theoretical aim of this study (Aghamiri et al., 2018; Göppner & Hämäläinen, 2004; Sommerfeld, 2014). According to Fook (2016), the central target for social work research is to go beyond simple explanations of relevant phenomena, seeking to develop a theoretical understanding of the praxis and its primary concerns to foster its professionalization. One such concern is the “technological deficit,” a term coined by Luhmann and Schorr (1982) to denote the failure of standardized procedures due to the ambiguous character of the pedagogic field. Professionals are frequently confronted with decision-making problems or situations where they are unclear what action to take, feeling perplexed despite their knowledge and experience. In this sense, social work is considered to be a profession that acts under “conditions of uncertainty”

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(Aghamiri et al., 2018; Böhle & Weihrich, 2009; Preis, 2013) that comprise a lack of orientation regarding functions, means, and ends.

Against this background, this study goes beyond the aims of humanistic pedagogy to develop pedagogic reality reflectively (Winkler, 1997) through a critical acknowledgment of the praxis situation in the case under study.

The focus on practice reveals institutional and environmental conditions as well as the practical wisdom of the professionals involved in the pedagogic enterprise in question. A perspective on the history of ideas reveals those professionals’ tradition and offers a normative reference point for critical assessment. Thus, it is possible to investigate the nature of the EAL project holistically with regard to its constitutive elements comprising the history of its ideas, its institutional and situational conditions, and the (practical) knowledge base of its professionals (Nohl, 1935/2002).

Summing up, the knowledge base of intensive pedagogy is more than its mere theoretical references or sphere of practice alone, and this study captures the comprehensive nature of the EAL project by focusing on its ecologies and relationalities.

1.2 Chapter outline

This dissertation is structured into eight chapters. After this introductory chapter, the study proceeds as follows.

In Chapter 2, I describe relevant contexts of the area under study, providing background knowledge about the research object, which is largely unknown outside of Germany.

Chapter 3 explains the process of knowledge production, comprising methods for gathering and analyzing the data as well as reflections on ethical questions and my role and position as a researcher related to this study.

The findings are then presented in four subsequent chapters, following the logic of the grounded theory procedure for data analysis. Chapter 4 presents a thick description of the EAL project, followed by a detailed scrutiny of key pedagogic situations in Chapter 5. Chapter 6 condenses the findings of the previous two chapters into a model of intensive pedagogic action, explaining

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pedagogic action in terms of its situatedness. Next, Chapter 7 reflects on the model in light of its theoretical roots, identifying the history of ideas behind it.

Finally, Chapter 8 offers a discussion, critically examining the findings and procedure of the study, as well as the practical and theoretical implications of the findings.

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2 A scoping review: knowledge contexts of intensive pedagogic practice abroad

Generally, grounded theory researchers are advised to avoid reading both theoretical and empirical literature about the substantive area before entering the field, so as to allow concepts to emerge directly from the data.

This leaves doctoral students using grounded theory in a quandary: Because of the requirement to demonstrate their abilities in scientific work, which among other things means reviewing and assessing existing knowledge, it is impossible for them to abstain from reading the literature. In this situation, Urquhart and Fernandez (2013) recommend a nonbinding review of extant literature during the early stages of the research in order to identify the research problem. Inspired by their stance on the use of literature, I decided to apply the open and flexible approach of a scoping review at the beginning of my research, to shed light on the background and existing knowledge regarding the area under study, instead of implementing a rigid literature review strategy. Unlike a systematic review, a scoping review roughly maps the knowledge of a field, without going too deeply into the texts to assess their quality or status. It is about contextualizing the area of interest by sorting out what we do and do not know (Arksey & O’Malley, 2005; Levac et al., 2010).

Despite the reservations against previous knowledge and consultation of literature in grounded theory research, I decided to position this chapter at the beginning of the thesis to allow the reader a first insight of the context of the substantive area under study.

2.1 Previous research in the field of intensive pedagogy abroad

This chapter concentrates on factual background knowledge about intensive pedagogy abroad. It focuses on previous research in the field, as well as the national and historical contexts of the area under study. The chapter provides a solid, broad knowledge base regarding the field with the aim of

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explaining relevant contexts, as intensive pedagogy abroad is little known outside of Germany. For the EAL project itself, there exists no systematic research, evaluation or follow-up research. The only available data about EAL is the project’s documentation for the youth welfare office and a yearly statistic about the participants. The scoping review includes references up to December 2018.

2.1.1 Searching strategies for the scoping review

On the general level, my literature search for factual knowledge about the field was guided by my interest in identifying a full array of literature, encompassing studies as well as discussion papers, books, and journal articles, but excluding basic theoretical literature. I started with the question:

“What is known from existing literature about intensive pedagogic activities outside of Germany, and what are the sources of this knowledge?” This deliberately broad question sought existing evidence about the field and its sources. However, such broad questions risk a lack of direction, clarity, and focus. In order to find a clear scope for the inquiry, I derived specific keywords from this initial question to establish an effective search of German university libraries and international article databases.³ The leading German databases for publications in the social sciences—ERIC, PsychInfo, WISO, GESIS, and SSOAR—were accessed via the database information system DBIS at the University of Applied Sciences Würzburg; furthermore, Cochrane Reviews and the Campbell Library were searched, as well as the search engine for international e-resources at the University of Eastern Finland.

In the second step of searching for empirical studies, I switched to the snowball method, reviewing citations found in the literature as well as assessing the bibliographies of my initial findings (Badampudi et al., 2015;

Webster & Watson, 2002) to expand my opportunities. Applying the snowball

3 The number of keywords expanded throughout the process based on previous findings. I started the search with the terms “Auslandsbetreuung” (treatment abroad), “Intensivpädagogik” (intensive pedagogy), “Individualpädagogik” (individual pedagogy) “Jugendhilfe” (children’s services), and “Erziehungshilfe” (family support).

Further keywords that I applied to the same German-wide library catalogs in another round of the literature search were “Erlebnispädagogik” (experiential education) and

“Auslandsaufenthalt” (stay abroad).

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method allows relevant literature to emerge as the study unfolds, which matches Corbin and Strauss’s requirements regarding the reasonable use of literature in a grounded theory study: It enables the iterative consultation of literature, while preventing the researcher from becoming being steeped in the content (2015, p. 33). Although the snowball method is time-consuming, this step opened access to gray literature, and publications or presentations disseminated by associations and institutions in the field. Thus, I found literature that was not represented in the databases, and which appeared to constitute a substantial quantity of writings about the field that I would have missed if I would have stuck to the scoping review. This procedure resulted in a broad overview of existing literature about the field and its relationships to connected areas in the German context.⁴

2.1.2 Overview of relevant studies

Summing up the research landscape on one-to-one intermediate treatments, there is a fair number of studies on this rather small segment of child support in Germany. There is a more substantial amount of gray literature comprising bachelor’s or master’s theses, as well as project-related evaluations conducted by individual providers of intensive measures abroad, disseminated on their webpages or in brochures. My assessment of the research landscape concerning this field brought other connected research areas to light, such as trauma pedagogy, as well as the topics of trust and attachment in child support. In this section, I focus only on research about treatments outside of Germany in order to stick to the area of interest. I detected some exciting aspects of literature in the field that are worth mentioning here.

Firstly, publications about intensive pedagogy implemented outside the home country are limited to the German-speaking area. Although I found papers about connected issues—such as hard-to-reach target groups in child support, the role of relationships in social work and education, and

4 My focus on intensive pedagogy implemented by going abroad limited the search to German sources. By this, I learned that this practice is limited to the German context.

However, to maintain the international connectivity of my theory and to find related approaches outside Germany, I will discuss it in the light of internationally recognized and currently relevant pedagogic approaches for similarities and differences in the conclusion (chapter 8).

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experiential education and treatment in cases of severe disorders among youngsters in Germany—I found no publications in the international databases on the specific topic of intensive pedagogy outside of the home country.

Therefore, I consider the phenomenon to be limited to German-speaking areas. To my understanding, one reason for this might be the exclusively German legal basis that allows the location of national practices on foreign soil. This legal framework is part of the historical development and history of ideas in German social pedagogy, which constitutes one of the interests for this study. Ultimately, the results of this study will contribute to a better understanding of this issue. Secondly, the time frame of the publications found ranged from the beginning of the 1990s to 2011. I identified a peak of publications on this particular topic during this period. One explanation for the starting point might be the implementation of the new child welfare law in 1990, which introduced the implementation of national child support services outside of Germany. After 20 years, the topic seemed to be saturated, although there were a few later research publications to be found, mainly effectiveness studies on this pedagogic measure as part of more significant evaluative studies in child support. It is important to note that literature about related interests, such as pedagogy in hard-to-reach cases or severe disorders, has a much longer history and can be traced back to the beginning of the 20^th century. I limited my review to that period, because at that time pedagogic concepts were becoming more influential, marking the start of the social pedagogic movement in Germany (Saurbier, 2009; Tenorth, 2000;

Thiersch, 2012). Thirdly, the publications found were mainly written by the same authors and based on their primary studies in the field. Besides the empirical material, there were few references to theoretical or pedagogic literature to be found. At this point, I followed the recommendation of Levac et al. (2010) and switched to a more in-depth review to assess the studies conducted in the field, since they proved to be the central knowledge base for the discussion. I assessed these studies for their impact (how often they were referred to in other publications), type, aim, and outcome.

The results of the assessed studies predominantly demonstrate a positive impact on social behavior and participants’ performance. However, these studies often investigate the effect and impact of single provisions,

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limiting the generalizability of the effectiveness of one-to-one intermediate treatments abroad. Otherwise, most studies undertaken by umbrella associations or interinstitutional bodies lack a valid methodology to link the particular measure to the identified effects or reveal the efficacy of the latter.

A large part of the discussion about the implementation of German child welfare in foreign countries circles around the question of the added value of going abroad, and the specific active factors that legitimate the heavy effort involved in going abroad rather than implementing support in the home country. A significant number of research studies conducted on support activities abroad are reconstructive and qualitative evaluations focusing on the youngsters’ perspectives, their opinions about active factors, and their assumptions about their personal development (an overview of the main studies in the field of intensive pedagogy abroad can be found in Table A5 in the Appendix). Furthermore, the research follows descriptive aims regarding the structures, settings, and characteristics of the target group, and the reasons and expectations of youth welfare offices that commission measures abroad. Only two previous studies focus on efficiency and effectiveness:

InHAus and InHAus 2.0 (Klein, 2010; Klein & Macsenaere, 2015) used a control group design to compare one-to-one intermediate treatments abroad with residential care and one-to-one settings in Germany. The second study was a follow-up on the first, comparative study that focused on the intensive phase of the treatment abroad and targeted former participants in measures abroad 2.5 years after their return.

According to previous research, individual measures abroad are characterized by strong heterogeneity and usually do not follow standardized procedures. Fröhlich-Gildhoff (2003) describes them as highly flexible and very much oriented toward the young person’s needs. Instead of giving up and referring the youngster to another institution, changes are made within the setting to offer the optimal support for the adolescent. This is one reason for the confusion about what the practice of these measures actually entails, especially if they take place outside of Germany. Besides general legal standards, and voluntary commitments or recommendations for action issued by umbrella associations, working communities of providers, and state youth welfare offices, there are no verifiable facts about actual conduct.

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Summing up, my scoping review of empirical research in the field shows that the questions “what works?” and “how does it work?” remain unanswered. In this regard, this doctoral dissertation aims to open up the “black box” (Witte, 2009, p. 35) of the professional actions and pedagogic concepts applied in intensive pedagogic projects abroad.

2.1.3 Active factors and justification of measures abroad

Klawe (2014) characterizes travel projects as a deliberate suspension of everyday life accompanied by the testing of physical and mental limits, a craving for community cohesion and social thoughtfulness, and a demand for compromise. Although they vary considerably, on-site projects in foreign countries similarly entail distance, bonding, individualization, and a certain degree of force. Leaving their personal environment to live abroad in itself changes the youngsters’ familiar structures, and cohabitation in a foreign environment offers new experiences, albeit in a different way than travel settings. Therefore, on-site projects can be identified by the characteristic features of their procedures after arrival in the foreign country, which emphasize constant, predictable structures that demand durability. Real-life situations serve as means for personal learning and relationship-building precisely because they offer a stable frame (Gahleitner, 2017, p. 35). The focus on learning to deal with recurring duties, taking care of oneself in the long term, and developing patterns to cope with daily life—instead of tackling ad hoc challenges as they arise from exceptional situations such as being on the move—positions an on-site project close to the reality of youngsters’ lives, even though it is situated far away from their usual circumstances.

Previous research reveals some aspects of support related to the procedural considerations of treatments abroad. Klawe and Bräuer (1998, p. 64) emphasize the importance of appropriate preparation steered by the youth welfare office in general and the provider in particular, comprising a careful and collaborative initiation of the decision to go abroad, as well as prudent planning of its implementation. Time pressures seem to be common during the decision-making and preparation phase of treatments abroad, mainly due to the severe conditions the youngsters face. Often, measures are implemented in reaction to a crisis situation, causing pressure and urgency.

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Nevertheless, professionals are advised to plan carefully and consider their decisions (Wendelin, 2011, p. 269). In addition, according to Klein et al. (2011, p.

141), the duration of a treatment abroad is an important active factor besides the orientation to needs and the customization to individuals. With intensive measures, essential effects are achieved after just six months, and peak after 18 months. Thereafter no further increase is expected, and the one-to-one support is no longer of help. Unplanned or premature termination harbors risks for the young person’s further development. Intensive treatments usually take one or more years, depending on the conceptual considerations of the setting: Studies show that provisions abroad last 17 months on average, and while the numbers show a roughly even distribution of treatment durations, there are peaks in the numbers of treatments that last 12 to 18 months and 24 to 36 months (Macsenaere, 2016, p. 198; Macsenaere & Esser, 2012, p. 75). The results of Fischer and Ziegenspeck’s (2009, p. 209) quantitative evaluation corroborate this, especially with regard to treatments’ positive effect on relationship-building.

Leaving the personal environment creates spatial distance to endangering settings at home. A foreign language and culture are another quality of

“distance” that is not related to geographical aspects alone. While one might overcome spatial distance more or less easily, linguistic and cultural features of settings abroad create a much stronger barrier to escape, and offer a variety of learning impulses. Following Witte and Sander’s (2006b) idea of delegitimization, being strange impedes the acting out of problematic behavior and provides space to develop new patterns. Being strange puts the young person in a situation where his or her habits and strategies are no longer successful. Even though most projects retain German references and influences, the contrasting host culture impacts the participants and allows them to reflect critically on their own culture and patterns. Summing up, the primary function of confronting youngsters with a foreign culture is to shatter their old habits by putting them in strange circumstances. This situation creates a higher dependency on the key person, whom they need for orientation. In combination with the difficulty of leaving, distance from the home country thus supports relationship-building.

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However, the decision in favor of a treatment abroad needs to be based on a thorough evaluation of the situation in order to avoid early terminations.

More than other support measures, projects abroad have defined schedules due to the increased organizational demands. Another essential success factor for measures abroad is the careful planning of aftercare. How to maintain the progress achieved abroad after the return to the home environment is the core question at stake in designing an aftercare setting (Klein et al., 2011, p.

127; Macsenaere & Esser, 2012, p. 94). This puts the emphasis on a careful planning phase to ensure that professional standards such as preparatory meetings, joint decision-making, and monitoring are considered (Klein et al., 2011, p. 121). It appears to be particularly important to take account of the previous experiences of the young person, who will have experienced many failed support attempts and dwindling possibilities within the support system.

The main goal of individual treatments is to go beyond the usual support options by adapting to the needs of the young person to a greater extent than other measures allow, in order to bring them back into the support system and stop the ongoing decline of their future prospects. Their initial situation is already problem-laden due to the burdened situation of their family of origin. Thereafter, the process of their development leads to increasing problems and reduces their opportunities to build promising future options.

Indeed, they show a tendency toward apathy and a “can’t be bothered”

attitude regarding their own future (Fischer & Ziegenspeck, 2009; Witte &

Sander, 2006a). Lacking the support and orientation of key persons, they become increasingly marginalized because they do not succeed in important matters such as achieving a high-school diploma, learning to establish and maintain relationships, or developing the stable self-confidence that will enable them to resolve problems and conflicts and to take healthy decisions for their own futures (Peters, 2009). Therefore, one-to-one intermediate treatments abroad have to assume that the target group has a strong need for support. The youngsters’ situation is characterized by numerous intense behavioral and attachment problems in reaction to the hostile and neglectful circumstances in their family of origin. With further experiences of relational breaks and neglect, these issues increase during their development. Growing distrust, and coping and defense strategies, complete the vicious circle and

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might conclude in a youngster’s becoming a “hard-to-reach” case. This term denotes youngsters who are out of (parental) control and at risk because they behave inappropriately for their age, refuse to trust, pass through several support measures, and finally drop out of the system. One-to-one intermediate treatments abroad are often seen as a last resort or ultima ratio (Klawe & Bräuer, 1998, p. 23) to reach these young persons, who are trapped between regulated institutional settings and overweening freedom and self-dependence, and who shuttle between children’s support services, child and youth psychiatric services, and the justice system. Youth welfare offices mainly decide in favor of intensive treatments on account of particular behavioral patterns characterized by the rejection of attempts at support and intense behavioral disorders. Measures abroad are regarded as sufficiently flexible and closed to meet the educational needs that arise from the absence of guidance and trusting relationships, which are required to support a young person’s personal development (Klawe, 2010; Klawe & Bräuer, 1998, p. 78; Lorenz, H., 2008). However, intensive measures, especially in foreign countries, are controversial (Klein et al., 2011, p. 6; Schrapper, 2006). They are considered very expensive, and yet there is a lack of evidence of their effectiveness, as well as distrust of their quality (Gintzel & Schrapper, 1991, p.

35). Thus, youth welfare offices do not readily decide in favor of them. They do so only when a youngster appears to be caught in a downward spiral, resulting in their dropping out of the school and support systems and leading to further marginalization.

2.1.4 Supplier structure and staff

Fischer and Ziegenspeck (2009) include an inventory of providers in their evaluation of treatments abroad. Their results show that in 2006, 30% of these projects were carried out by major, mostly nonstatutory agencies with a long history of working in child support. Another 33% were carried out by medium-sized institutions with up to 100 employees, and 23% by small agencies with up to 30 employees. At least 14% of providers were microinstitutions with fewer than 10 staff members.

In 2015, 123 treatments were carried out abroad, 14% of them by statutory agencies. The larger number of treatments performed by nonstatutory agencies

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reveals a heterogeneous landscape of providers, 86% of which are small or microinstitutions. Major German nonstatutory agencies such as Diakonie (Diaconia), Caritas (Caritas Association), or Arbeiterwohlfahrtsverband (Workers’ Welfare Association) are only marginal actors (15%) in this segment of child support (Statistisches Bundesamt, 2019). Especially among small institutions, the extent of specialization in intensive treatments is significant.

Staff of German nationality or descent comprise one group of care persons abroad. While some projects employ a combination of local and German workers, in other cases the care staff are entirely local (Fischer &

Ziegenspeck, 2009; Wendelin, 2011). The issue of staff cultural background is related to personal socialization and language skills, which impact the care situation on-site. While local care persons are well integrated into the host society, and therefore can activate the full potential of the setting, there is a question regarding whether they can prepare a young person for return to Germany and its different conditions. With regard to language skills, on one hand, language might be one more challenge for the young person, or an additional reason to turn toward the new attachment figure. On the other hand, language might also be an obstacle to the care process overall, and staff of German origin also seem to be better suited to transfer-related tasks. However, a lack of cultural and linguistic skills regarding the host country might limit the benefits that can be derived from the setting. I have one further observation at this point related to the gender of care workers:

Studies on intensive treatments to date have not focused on gender issues.

Only Wendelin (2011) acknowledges that among his sample there were equal numbers of male and female care persons.

Legal requirements regarding the professional experience of care workers in intensive settings are on a par with the other stringent requirements of one-to-one treatments abroad. With regard to the relational and situational demands on workers, studies suggest that the staff’s carefulness, reflexivity, and professional attitude can avoid counterproductive dynamics among participants. The intensity of such treatments, far away from familiar surroundings and team structures, increases the risk of adverse developments for the young person. Furthermore, the youngsters’ hardened behavioral problems and defense strategies challenge care persons in diverse ways.

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Profound diagnostic skills, a reflective distance from the young persons’

behavior, and a variety of methodological skills, especially to deal with crisis situations, are crucial for work in intense settings abroad. Because of the setting, which is defined by a considerable distance from staff’s familiar working environment and supervisors, the care person needs to work self-dependently and make quick decisions about how to react. Wendelin (2011) additionally points out that care persons should be aware of and reflective about their own biographical backgrounds, to avoid imposing their own problems on the young persons. Despite the legal and practical requirements for professionals, studies show that only roughly half of staff in treatments abroad have the required professional background (Fischer &

Ziegenspeck, 2009; Wendelin, 2011). Among family carers in particular, lay workers are relatively common: Wendelin found that 76% of family carers had no professional background, and in one-to-one settings 58% were untrained (Wendelin, 2011, p. 56). The effects of this were also investigated: Compared with professional carers, in settings with lay workers the responsibilities and content of the work are more likely to be passed on to professionals in coordinating positions. Moreover, care plan goals are less present, and the overall treatment duration is longer.

These findings suggest that lay workers have a higher risk of harmful impacts, or at least are less useful. However, providers argue that professional training entails the loss of straightforward access to the young person, which they see as crucial in intensive settings. In addition, it is frequently argued that care persons without professional backgrounds are qualified to work with youngsters because of their genuine personality⁵ (authentische Betreuerpersönlichkeit). Furthermore, the term “professional” is ambiguous in the context of intensive treatments abroad. Although studies hint at the essential skills of care persons in such settings, there are no particular

5 The term “genuine personality” applies to care persons without pedagogical backgrounds who can access hard-to-reach young persons and build up trust with them due to their personality, life situation, or biographical experiences (Klawe, 2014). Personality traits such as empathy, affection, patience, or interpersonal skill are often regarded as appropriate for educators. Such soft skills cannot be learned during professional training (Wendelin, 2011, p. 242). For a deeper discussion of alternative approaches to professional action in social work, see Olk (1986).

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training or profile requirements set by official or legal institutions. The official legal standards are rather general, such as operating permits for residential care units under SGB VIII § 45 (Betriebserlaubnis für stationäre Jugendhilfeeinrichtungen) or the previously mentioned demand for professional training according to SGB VIII § 72 (Fachkräftegebot).

Overall, few treatments abroad meet the requirements for professionally trained staff. However, providers need an operating permit issued in Germany, and follow the requirements for professional staff by maintaining a connection with carers abroad through professional supervision. Standards in the German child support system demand support and supervision for care persons. This is usually implemented by providers within their own structures, either by the managers themselves or by a middle-management- level task force. Wendelin (2011, p. 231) identifies some general aspects of the supervision of care persons abroad. The distance between the home country and the setting has a severe impact on carers’ guidance and supervision, which is usually provided by superordinate administrators with professional pedagogic backgrounds. These contact persons are rarely present on-site.

Some providers have several projects in a host country, in which case the coordinators might work locally. Nevertheless, they may be a long way from a given project site, because they oversee all of the projects within the larger vicinity. As previous studies show, projects with laypersons tend to have a supervisor living in the area, while projects run by professional staff are often supervised from Germany. The distance between the home base and the project site is an obstacle for administrative staff and management. The physical distance between workers on-site and supervisors in Germany is further aggravated by a situational distance that arises from their significantly different working environments.

While structures for collegial advice, supervision, and further training are legally required professional standards, the reality of settings abroad often hinders their regular implementation. The reasons for this are not only geographical distance, but also a desire to preserve these settings’ informal character (Wendelin, 2011, p. 240). Macsenaere & Esser (2012 p. 128) confirm Wendelin's finding of obstacles to providers’ supervision, adding that there is also a significant lack of monitoring on the part of youth welfare offices,

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which are barely present abroad. Overall, the frequency and intensity of project supervision varies greatly, even though the role of coordinators and supervisors in this demanding field is considered crucial. With regard to professional standards and the positive influence of the care person’s institutional affiliation (especially for work in a foreign country), this physical and situational distance seems hard to overcome to ensure quality in child support.

2.1.5 Implementation of settings abroad

Since their introduction in the 1990s, intensive treatments abroad have appeared in three different forms: travel, sailing, and on-site projects (Klawe

& Bräuer, 1998; Witte & Villányi, 2006). All three aim for similar effects, such as gaining distance from the home setting, preventing young people from absconding, facilitating relationship-building, offering elementary experiences, and providing the opportunity to explore one’s own limits. In the early days, a gold rush among providers led to the implementation of numerous treatments abroad. At this time, sailing and travel projects were common and widespread. The total number of treatments abroad decreased over time, and today it is mostly on-site projects that remain. A lack of more recent research makes it difficult to assess current developments. A systematic web search for travel and sailing projects indicates that they have become subprojects of on-site projects.⁶ Providers construct settings for measures abroad in light of the intention on one hand to present an environment that offers possibilities for development, and on the other to meet the standards required to ensure quality of treatment. The diversity of settings mirrors discussions about how to arrange an appropriate environment that is an

6 Exemplary web sources of providers offering travel, on-site, or sailing projects (all accessed June 30, 2020):

https://wellenbrecher.de/reiseprojekte.html https://www.tacheles-jugendhilfe.de/reiseprojekte/

https://aufwind-jugendhilfe.de/aufwind-reise-projekte/

http://wegpiraten.de/jugendaemter/

http://www.crit-jugendhilfe.de/reiseprojekte.html

http://aventuragranada.de/unsere%20angebote/reiseprojekte-2.html https://www.klinische-sozialarbeit.org/Zentrum_fur_klinische_Sozialarbeit/

Reiseprojekte.html

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alternative to the usual residential care settings and also has specific features that meet the needs of the target group.

Sailing and travel projects share the idea of moving to a distant area together, tackling upcoming tasks related to the journey, and learning to trust each other through shared experience. The time frame for traveling together ranges from four to 12 weeks, and the methods of travel are very diverse.

Projects hike, cycle, or go by caravan or boat. Sailing projects add the specific location of being aboard a boat, with all its specific tasks and special closedness.

The main characteristic of being on the move significantly distinguishes these projects from on-site projects, the main feature of which is that people live together in one settled place. Here, the major feature is integrating into a daily structure and sharing a daily routine, which are considered important active factors for the achievement of the abovementioned aims. Travel and on-site projects also vary in their perceptions of daily routine: travel projects leave the daily routine behind to open up learning opportunities, while on- site projects are built around it.⁷

In most cases, the decision regarding where to situate a project is based on living conditions and geographical aspects, besides the aim to create distance. Wendelin (2011) finds several commonalities in the geographical areas chosen. Where the aim is to create natural living conditions, countries that still have a widespread farming culture in rural regions offer spartan accommodation, such as wooden houses with no running water and basic amenities (e.g., Romania, the Baltic states, Poland, or Hungary). Daily life is mainly organized around duties on the farm and work to meet everyday needs. Heating and cooking, for instance, require wood to be chopped for the stove, water to be drawn from a well by hand, and to a great extent also homegrown food. Some farms also keep livestock and do their own slaughtering. Other regions in the world also offer basic lifestyles in rural areas, have limited infrastructures even in more urban spaces, and face more extreme climatic conditions (e.g., Scandinavian countries, Namibia, Senegal, Russia, or Nicaragua). Besides working with their own hands to

7 For further reading on sailing projects, see Schmidt (2013), Zimmermann (1983), and Sommerfeld (1993). For further reading on travel projects, see Michl and Seidel (2018) and Zuffellato and Kreszmeier (2012).

Experiencing, working, learning : a grounded theory of intensive pedagogy with hard-to-reach youngsters

Dissertations in Social Sciences and Business Studies

VERA TAUBE

Experiencing, working, learning

Experiencing, working, learning:

Experiencing, working, learning:

Acknowledgements

Table of contents

1 Introduction

2 A scoping review: knowledge contexts of intensive pedagogic practice abroad